vice been fairly acted upon, the Spanish game would have been then at an end. For this, however, the King was not yet prepared. Bristol was directed to make the demand, but in case of an unsatisfactory reply, instead of coming away at once he was to wait for further instructions. This spoiled the effect, and left room for the Prince's visit to Madrid; which, though in many ways mischievous, had this good effect, that it brought the King over at last to the views of the Council; which were already in harmony with the feelings of the nation; and thus gave a fresh chance of united action between the Government and the House of Commons. Before the new Parliament was called, the marriage treaty had been finally broken off. By which party it had been broken off is a matter of dispute, but of no consequence. Both were glad to be rid of it after they found that the advantages which each had expected from it were not to be had by either: and it remained merely for each to put the other as much in the wrong, according to the rules of diplomatic morality, as possible. But the point upon which it really was broken off was this. James had all along been made to believe that the marriage would carry with it the assistance of Spain to recover the Palatinate. But he had believed it on Gondomar's word, which he assumed to be as good as his own, and had exacted no formal or explicit engagement. As the time of performance came nearer, while the preparations for performance showed no advance, he began to doubt, and desired better security. And as soon as the Prince was safe in England again, he sent instructions to Bristol not to proceed further with the ceremonies preceding the marriage, until he had received a promise under the King of Spain's hand to help, "with his arms, if mediation failed," to restore Frederick to his honours and inheritances. This made it necessary to postpone the proxy-marriage beyond the time prefixed; and involved a breach of contract which Philip immediately took advantage of to postpone it indefinitely. I say 'took advantage,' because if he had not wished to break the marriage treaty off there was nothing whatever to prevent him from consenting to the delay. But the truth was that he did wish to break it off, and was glad of an opportunity to do it handsomely. Even when he intended and desired the marriage, he never intended to quarrel with the Emperor about the Palatinate; and yet he had used language, or allowed language to be used, which was understood, and meant to be understood, as a promise that he would obtain its restitution. And since he found that there was no chance of converting the Prince, he had not desired the marriage at all: and yet he had pledged himself to conclude it.

1 Gardiner, vol. ii. p. 439,

1623-4.]

PARLIAMENT CONSULTED AS TO PEACE OR WAR. 459

The postponement of the proxy ceremony at the instance of the other party beyond the time agreed upon, gave him an opportunity of getting rid of both obligations, without laying himself open to a charge of bad faith; and he did not let it slip. Upon the first intimation that the ceremony must be postponed, "the temporary gallery along which the Infanta was to have walked to the church in which the ceremony was to be performed was dismantled and removed. She herself ceased to be addressed by the title of Princess of England. The Prince's letters were no longer allowed to reach her. Her English grammars and dictionaries were restored to the shelf. The marriage was considered as indefinitely postponed." All which was natural and judicious, if the King of Spain's object was to be freed from the engagement; but not otherwise. For what would have been lost by the mere postponement of the proxy-marriage, except the days during which it lasted? The parties were young enough. A few weeks' delay would not have made less desirable a marriage which was otherwise to be desired.

1

Regarded as a mere game of diplomacy the older and more experienced players had the best of it, as might have been expected. From the time that the Prince and Buckingham arrived in Madrid, the King lost all control over the negotiation; he could only make good their doings. Bristol was in effect, though not formally, superseded; and the Prince himself, without putting himself under anybody's guidance or giving to anybody his full confidence, appears to have become the principal actor. It is no wonder therefore that mistakes were made and advantages given and opportunities thrown away. Fortunately the great, mistake of all-which would have been the conclusion of the match without any of the good it promised,-was (however unhandsomely) avoided. The negotiation was at an end, and the politicians of the time were not curious to criticise the manner in which the end was brought about. They were content to believe that Spain had been playing false and had been found out. Both the Prince and Buckingham were received. with acclamations, as the saviours of the country. And the King being at last fairly delivered from the Spanish alliance, having no further hope to compass his ends by negotiation, and being prepared to sanction warlike measures, could now (as it seemed) go the same way with his people, and count on the cordial concurrence and support of a new House of Commons. The experience of the last House being available for the next, they would know not only what they wanted but also how much they must be prepared to pay for it (for it could not be less than what had been announced as

1 Gardiner, vol. ii. p. 446.

necessary in 1622): and there seemed to be no danger of any misunderstanding, provided disputes were not allowed to arise about abstract rights and constitutional doctrine. If their right to debate questions of peace and war were disputed, there would be no harmony. But that danger was happily avoided by an announcement from the King himself, that the principal cause of his calling this Parliament was "for their advice whether he should proceed any further in his treaties with Spain about the match for the Prince or concerning the restitution of the Palatinate: " that Buckingham would explain to both Houses the history of the negotiation and the present state of our relations with Spain, and they were to consider super totam materiam what was best to be done. The most patriotic member could hardly extract out of that an occasion to insist upon the right of advising without invitation or permission.

The story was told accordingly on the 24th of February: and with a view to the debate which was to follow, Bacon (to whom the turn of affairs must have been very welcome, this being the sort of accident which he had long looked forward to as the likeliest to rectify the relations between the King and people) drew up a sketch of a speech, containing the advice which he wished to be given to the House of Commons on this occasion, and which might have been spoken in the debate on the 1st of March, 1623-4.

NOTES OF A SPEECH CONCERNING A WAR WITH SPAIN.2

That ye conceive there will be little difference in opinion but that all will advise the King not to entertain further a treaty wherein he hath been so manifestly and so long deluded.

That the difficulty therefore will be in the consequences thereof. For to the breach of treaty doth necessarily succeed a despair of recovering the Palatinate by treaty: and so the business falleth upon a war. And to that you will apply your speech as being the point of importance and besides most agreeable to your profession and place.

To a war (such as may promise success) there are three things required a just Quarrel; sufficient Forces and Provisions; and a prudent and politic choice of the Designs and Actions whereby the war shall be managed.

1 19 Feb. 1623-4. Commons' Journals, p. 670.

2 Harl. MSS. 7021, f. 181. Copy by one of Bacon's scribes. Docketed by himself, "notes of a speach touching the warr.'

NOTES FOR A SPEECH ON WAR WITH SPAIN. 461

1623-4.] For the Quarrel. There cannot be a more just quarrel by the laws both of nature and nations than for the recovery of the ancient patrimony of the King's children gotten from them by an usurping sword and an insidious treaty.

But further, that the war well considered is not for the Palatinate only but for England and Scotland. For if we stay till the Low-Countrymen be ruined and the party of the papists within the realm be grown too strong, England Scotland and Ireland are at the stake.

Neither doth it concern the State only but our Church. Other kings papists content themselves to maintain their religion in their own dominions. But the kings of Spain run a course to make themselves protectors of the popish religion even amongst the subjects of other kings. Almost like the Ottomans that profess to plant the law of Mahomet by the sword; and so the Spaniards do of the Pope's law. And therefore if either the King's blood or our own blood or Christ's blood be dear unto us, the quarrel is just, and to be embraced.

For the point of sufficient Forces. The balancing of the forces of these kingdoms and their allies with Spain and their allies you know to be a matter of great and weighty consideration. But yet to weigh them in a common understanding, for your part you are of opinion that Spain is no such giant; or if he be a giant, it will be but like Goliah and David; for God will be on our side.

But to leave these spiritual considerations, you do not see in true discourse of State and War that we ought to doubt to be overmatched. To this opinion you are led by two things which lead all men; by Experience and by Reason.

For Experience. You do not find that for this age (take it for 100 years), there was ever any encounter between Spanish and English of importance either by sea or land but the English came off with the honour; witness the Lammas day, the retreat of Gaunt, the battle of Newport, and some others. But there have been some actions both by sea and land so memorable as scarce suffer the less to be spoken of. By sea, that of eightyeight, when the Spaniards putting themselves most upon their stirrups sent forth that invincible Armada which should have swallowed up England quick. The success whereof was, that although that fleet swam like mountains upon our seas yet they

did not so much as take a cock-boat of ours at sea nor fire a cottage at land, but came through our channel and were driven as Sir Walter Raleigh says by squibs (fire-boats he means) from Calais, and were soundly beaten by our ships in fight, and many of them sunk, and finally durst not return the way they came, but made a scattered perambulation full of shipwracks by the Irish and Scottish seas to get home again; just according to the curse of the Scripture, that they came out against us one way and fled before us seven ways. By land, who can forget the two voyages made upon the continent itself of Spain; that of Lisbon and that of Cales. When in the former we knocked at the gates of the greatest city either of Spain or Portugal and came off without seeing an enemy to look upon us in the face. And though we failed in our foundation (for that Antonio whom we thought to replace in his kingdom found no party at all); yet it was a true trial of the gentleness of Spain, which suffered us to go and come without any dispute. And for the latter, of Cales, it ended in victory; we ravished a principal city of wealth and strength in the high countries, sacked it, fired the Indian fleet that was in the port, and came home in triumph; and yet to this day were never put in suit for it, nor demanded reason for our doings. You ought not to forget the battle of Kinsale in Ireland, what time the Spanish forces were joined with the Irish (good soldiers as themselves or better) and exceeded us far in number, and yet they were soon defeated, and their general D'Avila taken prisoner, and that war by that battle quenched and ended.

And it is worthy to be noted how much our power in those days was inferior to our present state. Then; a lady; old; and owner only of England; intangled with the revolt of Ireland, and her confederates of Holland much weaker and in no conjuncture. Now; a famous King and strengthened with a Prince of singular expectation, and in the prime of his years; owner of the entire isle of Britain; enjoying Ireland populate and quiet, and infinitely more supported by confederates of the Low Countries, Denmark, divers of the princes of Germany, and others. As for the comparison of Spain as it was then and as it is now you will for good respects forbear to speak. Only you will say this, That Spain was then reputed to have the wisest counsel of Europe, and not a counsel that would come at the whistle of a favourite.