In Defense of the Bush DoctrineUniversity Press of Kentucky, 11/05/2007 - 264 páginas The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, shattered the prevalent optimism in the United States that had blossomed during the tranquil and prosperous 1990s, when democracy seemed triumphant and catastrophic wars were a relic of the past. President George W. Bush responded with a bold and controversial grand strategy for waging a preemptive Global War on Terror, which has ignited passionate debate about the purposes of American power and the nation's proper role in the world. In Defense of the Bush Doctrine offers a vigorous argument for the principles of moral democratic realism that inspired the Bush administration's policy of regime change in Iraq. The Bush Doctrine rests on two main pillars—the inadequacy of deterrence and containment strategies when dealing with terrorists and rogue regimes, and the culture of tyranny in the Middle East, which spawns aggressive secular and religious despotisms. Two key premises shape Kaufman's case for the Bush Doctrine's conformity with moral democratic realism. The first is the fundamental purpose of American foreign policy since its inception: to ensure the integrity and vitality of a free society "founded upon the dignity and worth of the individual." The second premise is that the cardinal virtue of prudence (the right reason about things to be done) must be the standard for determining the best practicable American grand strategy. In Defense of the Bush Doctrine provides a broader historical context for the post–September 11 American foreign policy that will transform world politics well into the future. Kaufman connects the Bush Doctrine and current issues in American foreign policy, such as how the U.S. should deal with China, to the deeper tradition of American diplomacy. Drawing from positive lessons as well as cautionary tales from the past, Kaufman concludes that moral democratic realism offers the most compelling framework for American grand strategy, as it expands the democratic zone of peace and minimizes the number and gravity of threats the United States faces in the modern world. |
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... less strong Powers, and made a combination among them, and thus defeated and frustrated the Continental military tyrant wherever he was, whatever nation he led. Thus we preserve the liberty of europe. ... Here is that wonderful ...
... less severe than what the Germans had in mind for Western europe, judging by their october 1914 war plans, or what they imposed on the defeated Russians with the treaty of Brest-Litovsk in 1918. the tragedy of World War I was not ...
... less naive Roosevelt would not have repeated Wilson's mistake of embracing pernicious illusions about the efficacy of international organizations and collective security as a substitute for american power and the willingness to use that ...
... less than 4 percent of its gross domestic product (GDP) on defense, compared with 13.5 percent in fiscal year (fY) 1953 under President truman, 8.7 percent in fY 1969 under President Johnson, and 6.0 percent in fY 1986 under President ...
... less active foreign policy, saving much bloodshed and terror, while allowing the international system's natural dynamic to provide american security at much less cost and risk. If, however, 26 In Defense of the Bush Doctrine.
Índice
1 | |
5 | |
23 | |
51 | |
4 The Perils of Liberal Multilateralism | 63 |
5 Moral Democratic Realism | 87 |
6 Moral Democratic Realism and the Endgame of the Cold War | 101 |
7 The Bush Doctrine and Iraq | 125 |
Beyond the War on Terror | 143 |
Epilogue | 153 |
Appendix | 157 |
Notes | 185 |
Bibliography | 217 |
Index | 241 |