People to the Executive, before our eyes? If we do,some of us may yet live to see the time, when that, which is now acquired by stealth and fraud, will be seized upon by force-when that, which was at first but matter of accident or convenience, will be claimed as matter of rightwhen that, which is now done in secret, shall be proclaimed on the house top. It will then be too late to say, "All men are born free and equal"-too late to sing, "Hail Columbia, happy land." [H. of R. and ought to be made. The present mode of electing the President, gives to the People the shadow, but not the substance. It deludes them with the appearance of power, and cheats them of the reality. It is no wonder that they go out coolly, and with indifference, to the polls! They do not exercise their privileges with the spirit of freemen! They feel that their vote is not given for the President, but for an elector, and that elector, when he has once obtained his power, can use it as he shall think proper. It is no longer in the control of the People, and it often happens that the vote will be used, not to express their will, but to effect some selfish and sin Some future Cato may mourn over the long lost liberties of his country; he may, indeed, despair of inspiring his degraded, enslaved countrymen, with the hardy virtues of freemen, by the blood-stirring notes of martial muister end for so great will be the diversity of preference sic, or by unfurling the Star-spangled Banner of their former fame; but his unconquered spirit will break forth in language like this "Is there not some chosen curse, Some hidden thunder in the stores of Heaven, To blast the man that owes his greatness in the different parts of the Union, that there is not the smallest likelihood that any one candidate will, in future, receive the votes of a majority sufficient to elect him. Each State has its own great man, whom it prefers to the great man of any other State. Each section of the Union has some candidate whom it prefers to the candidate of another section, and the competition becomes thus so divided and subdivided, that it need not be expected that another Presidential election shall ever take place withMr. LECOMPTE said, that he had never, on any oc- out a reference to this House. As to the corruptibility of casion, risen to speak in public, with a greater or more this House, I do not believe there is a single gentleman painful sense of embarrassment than that which he now on this floor, who will not say there is as much purity experienced. He was fully aware, that the subject on here, as is to be found in the same number of respectawhich he was about to speak, had already undergone a ble individuals in any other place; but we wish to remove lengthy discussion, and that the House was, at this hour, the election from this House, because it is a responsibilmuch exhausted. The state, too, of his own health, ity we do not desire to exercise. It exposes us, whether admonished him, that it would be more prudent to abstain justly or not, to suspicions of the most painful and defrom the effort of addressing the committee; but, the grading kind. Why gentlemen should argue so strenuduty he owed to his constituents, was paramount to all ously for keeping it in this body, he could not conceive. these considerations. Should he remain silent on a sub- Had not a recent election proved, that the People, under ject in which they had so deep and vital an interest, they all the disadvantages of their present mode of choosing a would have reason to think, cither that he was negligent President, had given to a man, who was rejected by this of his duty, or had become a traitor to it. He was ap- House, very nearly a sufficient number of votes to elect prised, that it was not in his power to change the opinion him, and more votes than either of the other candidates ? of perhaps a single member; but the duty of expressing Was it not natural that the People should wish to have the sentiments of his constituents was not vacated on that this election under their own control? It was their right, account. The subject was one of the very first degree and they ought to enjoy it. Nor need the gentleman be of importance, and the anxiety produced by its discus-under the smallest uneasiness lest they should abuse their sion was proportionably great; it pervaded every class of power. The man of real and substantial merit, is the the community; it was not confined to men in public man whom the People, if left to the exercise of their life; it was felt, alike, by the poor man in his cottage; free choice, will always select. Look again at the exand the very humblest looked up, in common with the ample of the last election. A man, who, in the opinion most distinguished, to the discussions and decisions of of many, before the election, would not poll, when fairthis House, as affecting a right the most dear to them. In ly presented as a candidate, and, (with another Western advocating the resolutions of his friend from South Caro- candidate on his back) came into this House by an overlina, he was met, at the very threshold, by gentlemen of whelming vote, while other gentlemen, on whom the very eminent abilities, who undertook to show, in forci- nation had had its eye for eighteen years, who were supble and impressive language, the danger inseparable from ported by the politicians of the country, and from whoin every attempt to touch the Constitution. He did full jus- the most strenuous exertions were made by those who tice, both to their talents and to their motives; he admir-expected to share in the benefits of their clevation, fell ed their candor, and did not doubt the sincerity of their far in the rear. Mr. Chairman, merit has its charms; veneration for the Constitution. But, however great that veneration might be, and however well deserved, gentlemen ought to remember, that instrument has now been submitted to the test of forty years' experience, and, with whatever wisdom it might have been framed, (and none appreciated more fully than he, the talent or the patriotism of its framers,) it has been proved defective in one very important point. Would gentlemen deny that the People of the United States are possessed of sufficient virtue and sufficient intelligence to make a change in their Constitution, when they find that any part of it is productive of evil? The wisdom of our fathers, their integrity, and their modesty, were too great to suffer them to cherish the intention that no change should ever be made in the instrument they produced. It seemed, indeed, to be the opinion of one gentleman, (Mr. EVERETT) that we are not permitted even to attempt a change. But that is a doctrine to which he could never subscribe. He believed that a change might be made, great services have their charms. The People feel them, and claim it as a right to express that feeling. Ought they not to be indulged in doing so? A President of the United States should be a man in whom all the People of the United States have an avowed interest, founded on services rendered to the country at large. A man should not be elected because he happens to come from one section of the United States, and in the administration of Government, will have a favorable eye towards the interests of that section. No, Sir, he ought to be a man who will administer equal justice to all his fellow citizens, and who, in the discharge of his solemn public functions, will know no difference between friends and enemies-advocate and opponent. I will now turn, for a moment, to the arguments of the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. EVERETT.) That gentleman, if I understood him, maintains, that every attempt to amend the Constitution, is a breach of our duty, and a violation of the oath we have taken to H. of R.] Amendment of the Constitution. [MARCH 21, 1826. support the Constitution; and that we have no right dently upon him. The Legislature of Kentucky instructeven to consider such a proposition. Sir, this is a doc-ed the Representatives of that State in Congress, to vote trine which I never expected to hear any where, far less for General Jackson as President. Though divided on on this floor. It is, indeed, the strangest proposition I State matters, they were nearly of one mind upon this. have ever yet heard. Sir, I say we have a right to amend Sir, there is no mistake about it. The People of Kenthe Constitution. The Constitution itself secures to us tucky wanted the hero of New Orleans. He was selfthis right. What is its language, Sir' [Here Mr. L. made; he rose by merit alone; he forced himself upon quoted the Constitution, to show the power.] With lan- the notice of the Government, and owes nothing to patguage like this staring him in the face, will any gentle-ronage; he saved the great commercial city of New Orman say, we may not even consider a proposition to leans, the key of the Western country; he saved its amend this instrument? Sir, we have no right to any booty and its beauty; he saved this Union-for bad the privilege in the Government, if we have no right to alter British conquered at New Orleans, who can say where the government. It is the People's, and they may change the mischief would have stopped? After the war, he it at will. The gentleman says, he would sooner lay went back to his farm; but the People did not lose sight down his hand, and have it cut off, than hold it up in fa- of him—they did not forget him—they will not forget him vor of any alteration of the Constitution. But, I say, I They called him forth to be a candidate for the Presiwould sooner lay down my hand, and have it cut off, than dency. He said "it was an office neither to be sought not hold it up in favor of alteration, whenever I am con-nor declined." Sir, the People delighted to honor him; vinced that alteration is needed. The gentleman, too, and they hoped he would be honored by their Representells us, that the President of the United States has no tatives. Their feelings were on the tiptoe of anxiety and power, or none, at least, that is worth talking about. expectation. They confidently hoped they should at No power, Sir? What says this instrument [Here Mr. length see a man in the Executive Chair, whose elevation L. quoted the second article of the Constitution.] Is this had been clear of Cabinet influence. no power, Sir-this no patronage? Sir, the President nominates almost every officer in the service of Government-and when did you ever hear of a nomination of his not being confirmed by the Senate? It is a rare occurrence. All his nominations are confirmed; and is this no power? Sir, it is the strongest of power. If the President of the United States has no power, he is as useless as that marble figure that is propped up over our heads. If he has no power, he can do no good. Sir, he should have power-great power. I wish him to have power; but I wish this power put in those hands which the People select to hold it. The Constitution, as it stands, makes no certain provision for the election of a President. It says, indeed, that if an election fails to be made by the Electoral College, that the House of Representatives may then elect from the three highest candidates. But it is not compulsory upon them to do so; and, if they should think proper not to make a President, there will be none. So, in like manner, the Senate has power to make a Vice President; but it is not compulsory upon them to do so; and, if the Senate should also decline, there will be no Vice President; and thus the Executive Department of the Government will be vacant; nor can it, in a Constitutional manner, be filled. This certainly is a fact which ought at least to be taken into consideration. Sir, they were defeated; their hopes were blighted; and when their anxiety was wrought to the utmost, they were told they had no longer any control over the election; that Congress had the power to make a President, and that, in their wisdom, they had selected a man dif ferent from the candidate selected by the People. Sir, their disappointment, their amazement, their indignation, cannot be expressed. How it happened that a friend, in whom I trusted, on whose integrity I would have ventured any thing and every thing, should turn suddenly about, should disregard the voice of his constituents, should turn his back upon them, and follow a course directly the reverse of their wishes, 1 cannot tell. I only know, that when he was held up as a candidate for the same office, he was supported every where on the ground that we ought to check the dangerous precedent; that the Secretary of State was unfriendly to the interests of the West; that he wanted to give up the Mississippi at Ghent, in order to secure the Cod Fisheries to the New England States; and I know, that, after he ceased to be a candidate, he discovered that the Secretary of State, the heir apparent, ought to be chosen, because the favorite of the People was a military chieftain; and then turned round, and talked about "conscience and safe precedents." I will not attempt to explain such a phenomenon. I do not wish to sting the feelings of any I am well aware, Sir, that it is a matter of very great individual, but certain it is, that one of the prominent delicacy, to advert, upon this floor, to the circumstan- papers in Kentucky, and devoted to his interest, which ces which preceded, and were immediately connected once spoke the language of the People, and urged this with the late Presidential election; yet I consider it pro- doctrine, now holds a very different language: and others per and necessary to refer to some of them. It was very have been entirely silent. Times, it seems, are changed, commonly observed, in our public prints, in the West, and they have changed with them; men who were once that the last two or three Presidents had been taken from avowed and open enemies, who would scarce bow to each the Cabinet. They had each been Secretary of State. other when they met in the street, are now the most intiThis was considered likely to grow into a dangerous pre-mate friends, and firm supporters of each other. cedent. The People were alive to this subject-they felt Sir, the People look on; they behold these things with this danger-they were desirous to avert it-and every astonishment: they ask, how has this happened? I canexertion was made to bring an individual into the Presi- not answer them. I dare not attempt to explain a scene dential office immediately from the bosom of the People. so mysterious. But, I ask, is it not right that we should Sir, only two candidates were taken up by the West- amend the Constitution? That we should take the eleccrn Country, and the friends of each took the very same tion of President from this House, and should give it to grounds. They said it was dangerous to liberty to keep the People ? Sir, the People will never believe that the up the habit of electing the Secretary of State; that it violation of their will is a safe precedent. This has hap gave the President the power of selecting his successor; pened once-it had nearly happened twice; and, in both that the Secretary of State would be like the heir appa-instances, the danger had arisen from the reference of rent in a monarchy; and that it was high time to give us this great question to the House of Representatives. Let a President from the West. When it turned out that only us take care that we are not a third time exposed to the one of the Western candidates was among the three high-same danger. The third time may be fatal. The Pecest, the hearts and the hopes of the West were fixed ar-ple will not put up with such doings. Let them have MARCH 22, 1826.] Amendment of the Constitution. [H. of R. the whole and sole management of the matter. If they all the publicity and solemnity of Legislative proceeding are not to have their way, in the choice of President, in-he will, if his resolution be adopted, expose the People the name of the Constitution, where are they to have it to the machinations of desperate intriguers, without chaThe great check on the abuse of power by the Execu-racter, without check; whose insidious plots will be tive, is his responsibility to those who elected him. He hatched and executed with the silence and concealment is elected by the House of Representatives; where then will his responsibility be directed? To the House of Representatives. And to whom is the responsibility of the House directed To their constituents. But, if, in the election of a President, they have betrayed their constituents, where is the remedy? There is none, Sir. The People may complain, but their right of choice is gone. They may turn out their faithless servants, but a servant is left, whom they cannot turn out till his term expires. Judging from my own feelings, I should conclude that every free American, whose ambition prompts him to desire an office of trust and honor, would be too proud to consent to hold it without the will of the majority. Certain it is, that I would never take an office, however great or valuable, unless I believed it to be sanctioned by a fair majority of my fellow citizens. of treason. If he objects to the present system, because, by an arithmetical supposition, it may be made to appear that a minority may elect a President, against the will of the majority, (for no such case was alleged to have existed) from the very nature and effect of his plan, smaller minorities will elect to that office persons unknown to the great body of the electors; without talent to suggest, without address to effect, or public confidence to sustain their measures. If, by the present plan, the constituted authorities are liable to be corrupted, by the proposed, the poison will be more widely diffused-it will be carried to the altar and the fireside-it will work into the blood and the heart of the country. ties. But, if it could be proven that it was not productive of this happy result; if it even failed every alternate time; still, it was so essential to the sovereignty of the States, and their sovereignty so essential to the liberties of the People, that he would feel disposed to retain it. Mr. M. said, his second ground for opposing the amendment was, because the present organization of the electoral system was essentially calculated to concentrate Great fear was expressed at the last election, lest a public opinion on those who deserved public confidence "military chieftain" should be made President; and it-to elect men most distinguished for integrity and abili was assigned as a reason why the will of the People should be disregarded, that this "chieftain," if elected, might, by some means, (it never could be distinctly shown how) bring the nation into war. Why should such fears be entertained? What reason can there be to indulge such apprehensions? Of one thing, Mr. Chairman, I feel Mr. M. said, it had been artfully contended, that, by very confident; if we had had "the military chieftain" the adoption of these amendments, the People would for our President in 1814, this Capitol would not have have more power in the election of President. The fact been laid in ashes. But no, Sir, we had a worthy scholar, is not so. By the Constitution, as it now stands, the Peoselected according to "safe precedent," and no sooner ple have a sovereign control over the election of their did a contemptible detachment of the enemy show them- electors. They can elect them by general ticket, by disselves within the bounds of this District, than the Presi-tricts, or by the Legislature. On the contrary, the plan dent, and his Cabinet, with all the military force in the vicinity, fled in the utmost precipitation and dismay; and a handful of British soldiery ransacked your Capitol, laid waste your halls of legislation, and wrapt your public offices in flames. After such a fact as this, Sir, I hope the possession of some military skill-the sin of having fought for the country-will not be urged as an objection to an officer whom your Constitution makes the commander in chief. Mr. Chairman, I have been but little accustomed to address a public body of this description. It is the first time I have attempted to address this House. I am very conscious, that, in the few remarks I have now submitted, I have afforded but little of instruction or amusement. Confiding, however, in that indulgence which the House is ever ready to accord under such circumstances, I shall no longer trespass on its patience, but will omit the residue of what I had intended to say. and On motion of Mr. MITCHELL, of South Carolina, the committee then rose, The House adjourned. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 22, 1826. AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION. The House, on motion of Mr. McDUFFIE, again went into Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union, Mr. McLANE, of Delaware, in the Chair, on the proposed amendment to the Constitution. Mr. MITCHELL, of South Carolina, said, that, without occupying the Committee with preliminary remarks, he would endeavor to show, first, that the plan of electing a President, proposed by his colleague, (Mr. McDUFFIE,) was not only more liable to abuse than the present system, but essentially impracticable. If his colleague objected to Congressional Caucuses, composed of distinguished persons, responsible to the People, and high in their confidence-whose operations are conducted with Vog. II.-109 of his colleague proposed to take from the People of the States this sovereign power-this unrestrained freedom in the mode of choosing their Chief Magistrate; and to say to them, you shall elect your electors by districts. Mr. M. said, 'notwithstanding these convictions, he would not have trespassed on the committee if the amend ment had not been proposed by one of his colleagues, and he had not reason to believe that it was in express contradiction to the will of the People of South Carolina, The resolution to adopt the District System had been, for ten years, to his knowledge, before that People. It had been proposed by three different States, North Carolina, New Hampshire, and New Jersey, to three successive Legislatures, of which he was a member; and it had been either evaded, or positively rejected. Even at the last session, the amendments under discussion, he understood, had been recommended by the Governor, in his message, and, when called up, had been indefinitely postponed. This was the more remarkable, as the result of the last Presidential election had operated with unexpected severity on the feelings of the People. Mr. M. said, he submitted these facts because he wished the committee to receive the amendments as they ought to be received, merely as a project of his colleague, unsanctioned by the State, and deserving no other consideration than what it is entitled to from its own merits. He said he was surprised to hear the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. ARCHER) say that we had been called upon by the People to adopt the first amendment. How, when, where, have the People expressed their will? He thought the history of these amendments alone, conclusive evidence to the contrary. In December, 1823, they had been submitted to the House by his colleague; they were referred to a select committee, who recommended their adoption in an elaborate report; and, although it was impressed on the committee by a very able argument from his colleague, containing the principal grounds of the speech which he delivered some days back, the com II. of R.] Amendment of the Constitution. [MARCH 22, 1826. mittee rose without taking a vote, and they were never ment, of concession and equivalents, among the electors. called up afterwards. Now, is it possible that amend- A Presidential election cannot otherwise be conducted. ments, proposing a radical change in our Government, The greater the extent of country, the more various and suggested, according to gentlemen, by the prospect of clashing the interests, the more diversified the sphere of great and overwhelming calamities, involving our liberties, choice, the more important the object in view, the greater and willed by the People, could have been received with the necessity of concert. If you cannot have A, of your such indifference by this body? Who is the House of own State, you must take B, of another, who stands next Representatives? Emphatically, the People of the Unit-in your estimation. If disappointed, take C, of the same ed States. We come here from all quarters of the Union, section; it is better that he should be elected than D, who fraught with the feelings, the principles, the interests, would employ his official influence and power against the prejudices of the People whom we represent; and your cardinal interests; but better D than no President you cannot touch on a subject interesting in any part of at all. You may restrain him by the energies of the Conthe Union, but you will excite a corresponding sentiment stitution. So in legislation-if you cannot get the bill as here. There is no better thermometer of the feelings of you please, take it with amendments as little exceptionathe People, no surer index of their changes of opinion, ble as possible. no truer presentation of their character, than the House of Representatives. But, what is the state of public feeling with regard to these amendments? It is only a few months since this electoral system went into full operation. The People inhabiting the region lying between the Chesapeake and Florida, and the Lakes and the Gulf of Mexico, amounting to nearly one-half of the population of the Union, did not give a single electoral vote to Mr. Adams; they were divided between his three opposing rivals. Yet, sir, how many of them have complained? None but Tennessee and Maryland. The other States have either silently evaded, or positively refused, all interference with the Constitution in this respect. Mr. M. said, that it may be objected, that our electoral colleges have always voted in this manner in their respective capitals, and that they have found no difficulty in electing a President. True; but this has been owing to the intervention of the House of Representatives. The People of the States have been brought into contact by the deliberations at Washington. The merits of conspicuous men were there discussed; their claims to public confidence compared; the political principles, interests, and prejudices, of the different sections ascertained and reconciled, and the candidates selected, and recommended to the qualified voters of the States. Congress did that which it was the Constitutional duty of the electoral colleges to have done, but which they were unable Mr. M. said, he would now recur to his position-that to do from their distance from each other. This election the plan of his colleague to elect a President was imprac- has been hitherto effected by Congress and the People of ticable; that, by it, no election could be effected. What the States. The electoral colleges have done nothing does he propose to do? In the first place, he strips the more than write the votes of the People, and transmit House of Representatives, and the State Legislatures, of them to Washington. The Congressional caucus did not all agency in the election. He says to them, "you are arise from the spirit of intrigue, but from necessity. Had not trust-worthy; you are corruptible; you may be tam- the Constitution assembled the electors of the States, and pered with." Caucuses, of all sorts, are proscribed. He formed them into one body, the election would have been then divides the United States into two hundred and six- effected by them, and a Congressional caucus would never ty-one districts, like the squares of a chequer board; have existed. But it is equally clear, that, without this each district is to elect an elector, and these electors are assemblage of the electoral colleges, or the intervention to meet, on the same day, in the capitals of their States, of some general representative body, to educe, direct, to vote for a President: the electors of Maine at Portland; and concentrate public opinion, that the People, scattered of Georgia, at Milledgeville; of Missouri, at St. Louis; over this immense country, ignorant of each other's views and of New York, at Albany. How can an election be and interests, and having, each, views and interests of their effected in this way? How can a majority be united in own, liable to the impositions of a venal press, and to the favor of any one candidate; by electors at such vast dis-arts of ambitious demagogues, will never harmonize so as tances, without the possibility of concert or without the to effect an election. The direct effect of the amendoperation of an intervening body, by which their views ments will be to engender, in every part of the Union, might be previously collected, digested, and ascertained? knots of intriguers, who will divide and distract the PeoWhat is an election? It is the common will, arising out ple, and embitter their feelings, and who, being irresponof the common understanding of the electors. How is sible, will not care by what means they effect their ends. this effected? By communication of ideas, by inter- The design of the Constitution evidently was, that the change of views, by compromise of interests, by conces-President should be chosen by the People of the States, sion of feelings. You must bring the electors, somehow in their collective capacities, as distinct independent com or other, in contact. By way of illustration, suppose munities; that the principle of representation was to be each of us, on our arrival at Washington, at the com- observed in the conduct of this election-the People to mencement of the session, had been confined to his cham-vote for electors chosen from themselves, in proportion ber, without the possibility of communication, and direct-to their numbers, who were to choose a President; and ed, with a list of the members in our hands, and a full on failure of the electors to elect, the States to decide in knowledge of their characters, to vote for a Speaker- their sovereign equal character. Here is no splitting of how long would it be before a majority of us would unite communities-no warring of minorities against majorities in favor of one individual? Not until doom's day. But no corrupt and unnatural alliances between the districts let us assemble here as usual, and how quickly is the of one State and those of another, to defeat the will of clection effected. At the first ballot there would be their respective societies. The choice of electors is, like three or four candidates; the highest on the list might a law of the State, the will of the majority, which the mihave a very small minority of the whole; at every suc- nority adopt, and make their own. If the electors of the cessive balloting, he, or some other, would receive an ac- States had formed one body, not only would no Congrescession of strength, from the falling in of those who were sional caucus have ever existed, but it would not, once in at first averse to him. Notwithstanding this, his ultimate a century, have ever been referred to the States in the success would be acquiesced in by all, and the business House of Representatives. The real political question is. of the People would move on with its usual celerity and cannot the People elect their President by representaadvantage. Now, this is the effect of deliberation, of tives? If they can make laws here and at home-if they various and painful calculations of hope and disappoint- can do, what is still more important, change their Consti tution of Government, by representatives, why can they not choose their President by representatives? for what are electors but representatives, chosen, like them, by the People, from among themselves? Of necessity this must be done: the omnipotent laws of space and mind require it. If you make it popular, or by districts, you will never effect an election, or it will be inevitably effected by self created representatives, caucuses, politicians, or what you please to call them. [H. of R. are the breathless crowds-the triumphal arches-the Mr. M. said, the inevitable result of the proposed change is not only to multiply candidates, but to bring forward candidates of a different class or order. Instead of having the great men of the Confederacy, you would have the great men of the State. The temptation would be irresistible to ambitious, intriguing men, who had not the public confidence, and who were inexperienced in State affairs. A popular man having the influence of a State, and knowing that a few additional votes from each of the adjoining States would give him a plurality among bis competitors, and thus enable him to appear before the People of the United States as a candidate for the Presidency, would immediately set to work. He would resort to the vilest arts of intrigue to accomplish his purpose. To the leading men, he would hold out the allurements of office; with another class, he would employ the grossest means of venality and corruption. He would address himself directly to the passions. State pride, sectional interest, would operate in his favor. He would have infinitely the advantage of a man at a distance, whose great services and tried virtue would not be known to the great mass, or if known at all, would only be felt by their reason. I venture to say that ten or twelve candidates, with their attendants and dependents, their herds of petty officers scattered through the towns, the cities, and the country, &c. &c. would throw the whole Union into a state of most vicious fermentation. Bribery, perjury, tumultuous disturbances, drunken and gluttonous excesses such as we have seen take place in our Congressional elections, in the large cities, would profane the exercise of a right-the proudest right of a freeman-which should only be exercised with the purest and best feelings. Take an example. A small minority, of twenty five or thirty electoral votes, gives Mr. A, of Illinois, and Mr. B, of South Carolina, pluralities, and, according to the system of the gentleman, the Senate will have to present them to the People of the States, who are to choose one of them as President, by a vote in mass. What would the good citizen of Boston say? Why I never heard of either of these candidates in my life-am I compelled to vote for a man of whom I know nothing? He would inquire of his Member of Congress, who would be unable to in- But, what has been the operation of this system? Our form him. He would then resort to the Editor of his news Government has existed for thirty-eight years. We have paper. Mr. Editor would know all about Mr. A, of Illi- had ten Presidential elections-two of them decided by nois. He had seen a biographical sketch of him in the the House of Representatives, and six different PresiNew York Evening Post, taken from the Pittsburg Re- dents. The gentleman admits that five of these have been corder, extracted from the Star of Cinncinati, direct from the choice of the People, and the very best men of the the Herald of Illinois, where the Candidate lived, which Confederacy; and a very large portion of the Union will proved that Mr. A was one of the wisest and best of men. say that the sixth is not unworthy of his exalted station. And, for fifty dollars, these independent and patriotic edi- Is not this conceding every thing? Can a stronger argutors would impose on the People of the United States Grat-nent be advanced? Does he appeal to experience? Is tan's character of the elder Pitt, as a suitable picture of the it not in our favor? What does he oppose to it? Theory! virtues and talents of Mr. A, of Illinois, who might be at heart speculation! supposititious cases! hypothetical reasoning! a shallow, intriguing fellow, who, by the basest arts of The elections have been exposed to all the abuses which corruption, had cajoled the electors of his own and the he dreads: combinations of the large States-usurpations neighboring States to give him their votes as President. of the Legislatures-suppression of minorities by majorCould you prevail on the People of the United States to ities-defeats of majorities by minorities-caucuses-povote for him? Would you be able to rally a majority in his litical managers-patronage of the President-corrupti favor? Would the People of the States rush to the polls bility of the Representatives. And yet, in five instances and struggle to lift A of Illinois, or B of South Carolina, to out of six, he tells us, the People have chosen, and chothe proud pre-eminence? But admit Mr. A should be elect- sen the best men of the Confederacy. What is this but ed. What a spectacle! The Chief Magistrate of a Confede- saying that the orginazation of the electoral system is such racy of twenty-four sovereign States leaves his retirement as to concentrate the will of the People on those who en the Wabash for the Capital of the United States. Where deserve their confidence? And has our ship, during |