H. of R.] Mission to Panama. [APRIL 4, 1826. excess of feeling. The same was the case with regard to yet to pass through their greatest dangers and their sethe South American States. This was another case inverest trials. They may yet fall a prey to mutual jealouswhich the moderation of the Government counteracted ies; they may quarrel among themselves, and lose, by and controlled the public excitement. Gentlemen all re- dissension, all the ground they have gained. We do not collect how slow we were, how cautious and deliberate in know how soon we may be involved in their quarrels. I acknowledging their independence. This care and cau- trust, indeed, and ardently desire, that their best hopes tion was the act of the Government, and was considered may be realized. But they are not yet settled, and their by some as very censurable. But, in my judgment, it future condition cannot be calculated upon. If there is was wise and salutary. So in the present case, it is the any force in the reasoning of Washington, for the preserduty of the Government-it is the duty of this House to vation of neutrality towards the Nations of the Old World, interpose and to prevent our being hurried into measures it applies, with equal force, to the Nations of the New. incompatible with our fundamental policy. If neutrality These Nations also have a set of primary interests which is our settled policy, they should have reasons of the do not affect us. They may, I admit, be engaged in wars strongest and most satisfactory kind, who desire to change which very deeply affect us, and in which we shall be obit; and I am compelled to say, all that part of the message liged to take some part. All i ask is, that the country which relates to this subject is unsatisfactory to me. 1 may be left free, so that, when the emergency comes, we cannot assent to its reasoning. It takes this valedictory may deliberate on our course with a view to our best inaddress of the Father of his Country as the foundation of terests, without the bonds and shackles of previous our neutral policy. But it was not so. That policy was pledges or engagements; and that we shall not now look commensurate with the very existence of the Government, forward, by any stipulations, for half a century to come. or, if not with its existence, it originated at least as early Sir, I cannot admit that we must have more political reas '93. That valedictory address did not create the policy. lations with these Governments than with any others. I The policy existed already. It was laid in the foundations could, and had proposed to shew, that we have less with of the Government. The address only advised the coun- them, with a single exception, than with some of the Natry to continue to adhere to it. The object of the address, tions of Europe, and that there is nothing in our true poli repeat it, was not to originate but to continue this policy. cy likely to change this state of things; but, as I desire to I think its spirit has equally been mistaken. IfI have not confine myself to the amendment I have had the honor to greatly misunderstood its import, it had no relation to any propose, I will not, at present, go farther into the arguparticular People or particular time, but embraced all ment. The single object I had now in view was, to offer time and all People. The great object it had in view was and to explain this amendment. to keep us out of the quarrels of all other Nations; to disconnect us from their disputes and broils, whoever and wherever they might be. Its operation would be to leave the country untrammelled, and to preserve to it the right of free deliberation when any crisis should arise which called upon it to act. There may have existed additional and peculiar motives to recommend this policy at that particular time, and in regard to European Nations. It does appear to me that this House cannot vote the resolution recommended by the committee, apart from some such expression of its opinion, without committing itself to the doctrine, that a different line of policy is to be observed towards the New, from that which we have hitherto observed towards the Old World. It is avowed in the message that we ought to pursue a different policy. It is proper that the Executive should be met upon this But, I ask, what is there in the character or situation point, and, therefore it is, that I wish the House to say of these South American Governments which ought to in- that it cannot consent to form any political connexion with duce us to change our policy? I do not speak with any these Republics; and that the doctrine of neutrality apintention of undervaluing the character of those Nations.plies as well to the New World as to the Old. It is well I entertain a lively sympathy in their behalf. But it is a known, sir, what are the opinions of the ruling statesmen sympathy which is founded on the nature of their strug- of the day on this subject. We have heard those opinions gle. It is the same that I should feel for man, so situated, stated on this floor. We have been told that these States in any part of the world. I know nothing of superiority and ourselves form one great American family; that we in their peculiar character, or in their population, to drive have a common cause, and must make a common cause. me from my moorings. I have all due respect for them. As long as these were mere private sentiments, it was of I admire their courage and constancy as much as any other less consequence that they should be counteracted; but, gentleman can do. But I will not, on that account, con- when this doctrine is held up and expressed to the world, sent to set this country afloat for the sake of these People I also would express my opinion. I am not at all satisfied more than for any other People. Is there any thing in by the argument that it is not the intention of the Execu their locality, or in their proximity to our own boundary, tive to commit the country by this mission, and that whatwhich renders this policy inapplicable in their case, ever is done must come back to the Senate for ratification. though admitted to be justly applicable to more distant My ground is, that we ought not to negotiate about the Nations? No, sir, their proximity to us, instead of weak-matter, and, if that is the opinion of this House, I am for ening and impairing, adds to the force of every considera- having it expressed as its opinion. The expression of our tion which urges this policy upon us. It is the very rea-opinion can do no harm. I repeat, it will sustain the Exson why we should take a faster hold upon it, and cling with the greater circumspection to our anchorage. It is true, that the European Powers are deluched and distant; but that is not the reason why we should be neutral-it is only one great means of our neutrality. Their distance renders our neutrality easier; but, instead of being a greater, it is a less reason for that neutrality. The nearer a Nation is to us, the greater reason have we for caution in maintaining the relations of neutrality. The more dif ficult it is to preserve those relations, the more important it is that they should be preserved. Will any gentleman tell me that a conflagration at a distance is more to be guarded against than if the flame was on my borders Look, too, at the condition of those countries. They are yet in their infancy-they are in their gristle-they have ecutive in the eyes of foreign Nations; but it is proper to tell foreign Nations that it is our opinion, as speaking the voice of the People of the United States, that we will not consent to have our neutrality committed in any shape or manner whatsoever. Mr. Chairman, I repeat, and in all sincerity, that, in offering this amendment, I have no wish or intention to embarrass the Executive. I hold it proper to leave to him his whole Constitutional power and ability; but I feel that I cannot entirely sanction this mission, without such an expression of opinion as that I have proposed. I view this as a great era in the political history of this country. We are taking a new step in our diplomatic intercourse, and sending Ministers to open up at a Congress, in a foreign country, those principles of policy which have hitherto 2021 [H. of R. APRIL 4, 1826.] Mission to Panama. been hallowed in our institutions. It is proclaimed to the | transfer of Cuba iuto the hands of any Government, Euroworld that the principles and duties by which we have hitherto been guided in all our relations with European Powers, are no longer to govern us in regard to the Southern American hemisphere; our Ministers are to be members of this foreign Congress, and deliberate upon measures to give effect to these new principles, and whither they may lead us no man can anticipate. It is upon the solemnity of such a conviction, that I have offered the amendment, and endeavored thus briefly to explain the grounds on which it rests. If Mr POWELL addressed the committee to the following effect : pean or American, let him bring forward his resolution to that effect. If it shall pass, it will effectually prevent the repetition of such declarations as have been made. Mr. W. said, he would not continue his observations, holding the floor, at present, only through the courtesy of the honorable member near him, from Virginia. He would recapitulate only his objections to this amendment. It was unprecedented, nothing of the kind having been attempted before. It was, in his opinion, unconstitutional; as it was taking the proper responsibility from the Executive, It was prescribMr. WEBSTER said, that he did not mean at present and exercising, ourselves, a power which, from its nature, to do more than to state, in very few words, what he belongs to the Executive, and not to us. thought of this amendment. When it was moved by the ing, by the House, the instructions for a Minister abroad. And lastly, if gentlemen honorable member, looking at it as the effort to better a It was nugatory, as it attached conditions which might be measure which the honorable member meant to support, complied with, or might not. and not as a mere operative in debate, he had felt a very thought it important to express the sense of the House on But it appear these subjects, or any of them, the regular and customary sincere disposition to agree to it for one. ed to him impossible to do so, without departing from way was by resolution. At present, it seemed to him that principle, as well as precedent. It would be, as he we must make the appropriation without conditions, or thought, to give instructions, by this House, to a foreign refuse it. The President had laid the case before us. our opinion of the character of the meeting, or its objects, Minister. Disguise it as we might, the substance was, If we had not so much confidence in the Exe"we will agree that the Minister shall go, if we may be led us to withhold the appropriation, we had the power allowed to draw his instructions." He would ask two to do so. questions: First. Does not the Constitution vest the Ex-cutive, as to render us willing to trust to the Constitutionecutive power in the President Second. Is not the giv- al exercise of the Executive power, we have power to reing of instructions to Ministers abroad, an exercise of Exe- fuse the money. It is a direct question of aye or no. If cutive power? Why should we take this responsibility the Ministers to be sent to Panamna may not be trusted to upon ourselves? He denied that the President had de- act, like other Ministers, under the instructions of the Exvolved, or could devolve, his own Constitutional respon-ecutive, they ought not to go at all. sibility, or any part of it, on this House. The President had sent the subject to the House for its concurrence, by voting the necessary appropriation. Beyond this, the We might refuse the House was not called on to act. We had the power to do so; appropriation, if we saw fit. but we had not, as he thought, power to make our vote conditional, and to attach instructions to it. There was a way, indeed, in which this House might express, and often ought to express its opinion, in regard to our foreign politics. That is, by resolution. He agreed, entirely, with the gentleman, that, if the House were of opinion that a wrong course was given to our foreign rela tions, it ought to say so, and to say so by some measure that should affect the whole, and not a part of our diploI protest, Mr. Chairman, if there be organized parties matic intercourse. It ought to control all missions, and not one only. There was no reason why the Ministers in this House, of which I have no knowledge,against being at Panama should act under these restrictions, which did identified with either by the vote I shall give on the prenot equally apply to other diplomatic agents: for exam-sent question, or upon any other question we may be callple, to our Ministers at Colombia, Mexico, or the other ed on to discuss. In the discharge of my duty, as a mem new States. A resolution, expressive of the sense of the ber of this House, I shall obey the dictates of my conHouse, would, on the contrary, lead to instructions to be science, and the deliberate result of my judgment, regardgiven to them all—a resolution, therefore, was the regular less of party views, and with a single eye to the interests mode of proceeding. We saw, for instance, in looking of those who have clothed me with their confidence, and at these documents, that our Government has declared to to the great interest of the nation. I have lived long enough to see and to feel the baneful some of the Governments of Europe-perhaps it has declared to all the principal Powers-that we could not con-influences of angry and organized party, to the harmony, sent to the transfer of Cuba to any European Power. No happiness, and the best interests of this country. doubt the Executive Government can maintain that ground only so long as it receives the approbation and support of Congress. If Congress be of opinion that this course of policy is wrong, then he agreed it was in the power, and he thought, indeed, the duty of Congress to interfere, and to express its dissent. If the amendment now offered prevailed, the declarations, so distinctly made on this point, could not be repeated, under any circumBut they might, nevertheless, be stances, at Panama. Therefore, repeated any where, and every where else. if we dissent from this opinion, that dissent should be declared by resolution; and that would change the whole course of our diplomatic correspondence on that subject, in all places. If any gentleman thinks, therefore, (and such opinions have been expressed) that we ought to take no measure, under any circumstances, to prevent the Mr. CHAIRMAN: I should not have been induced to call on the committee, at this time, but for the peculiar circumAs this, stances which compel me to leave my public duties, for a few days, to visit the district which I represent. therefore, is the only opportunity I can have of presenting my views, I hope to receive the indulgence of the committee, while I express them with as much brevity and succinctness as possible. I consider the question as one of great importance; and it is not in reference to any impression I could hope to make, but, from a sense of the duty I owe to my constituents and my country, that I now desire to deliver my sentiments in relation to it. I trust, however, as a public man, I am not called upon to divest myself of feelings, which, as a private individual, I have ever cherished. As an individual, it has ever been As a public man, I hope to me a source of substantial pleasure to be able to approve the conduct of my fellow-man. it will ever afford me honest pride and pleasure to see the functionaries of my Government faithfully discharging their duties. I should consider myself unworthy of the station 1 occupy if my judgment in the discharge of my of ficial duties could be influenced by my individual partialities or prejudices. I preferred another to Mr. Adams, as But, while the the President of the United States-I gave him my support-I was disappointed in my wishes. approve, his measures Executive officer of my Government faithfully discharges his duty, pursues a policy that shall bave my support. When he abuses his high trust, H. of R.] Mission to Panama. when he justly forfeits the confidence of the nation, he shall meet my decided opposition. 2024 [APRIL 4, 1826. South American Republics, from the commencement of their struggle for self-government. I will only say, in relation to this measure, that, if I believed that all the apprehended dangers are to result from and interested motives exclusively-if actuated solely by If the United States were capable of acting on selfish this mission; if this mission is to result in treaties offensive considerations of national pre-eminence on the American and defensive; if we are to be pledged, so far as these Mi- Continent; it is evident our policy would have been to nisters can pledge us, to war measures; if our neutral re- have perpetuated the colonial state of servitude-the lations are to be compromitted by them, under Presiden- moral and political degradation of Spanish America that tial sanction; the fate of this Executive, and his Adminis- existed prior to the mighty struggle by which they assum tration, is sealed. In that case, he has committed self-ed a rank in the scale of nations. immolation, and that while the country is not in danger. If continent, we presented the only effulgent point upon the it be his intention that we must, at this Congress, surrender political and geographic chart. Around us, all was dark, In the then state of our the policy on which we have heretofore acted, his fate is hopeless, wretched, and degraded. The political and sealed with the nation. Stipulations to such an extent moral horizon served only to add lustre to our brightness. might be made; but there is a controlling power in a co- Happily for the cause of liberal and enlightened principles, ordinate branch of this Legislature, and they would be in- the country that gave them birth indulged no such feelings. dignantly rejected; the country would be safe, and the We were free and happy ourselves. We were sensible authors and approvers of such measures hurled from office of the blessings of our wise and benign Government. We into hopeless ruin and disgrace. If I were the meanest were not yet sufficiently politically hardened to have bepartisan of the Administration, upon the assumed hypo- come basely selfish. thesis, I would warn them of their fate, and fly from them. first dawning of hope, rejoiced in their successes, and I would leave them to self-immolation. We, at an early period, from the these honorable and magnanimous feelings, impelled by sympathized in their disasters. Under the influence of public sentiment, at the first moment, consistent with justice to ourselves and good faith to others, this Governdollars to enable the President to recognize a portion of ment, in the year 1822, voted an appropriation of 100,000 these States as independent, by sending Ministers to them. I have made these remarks because, whatever may be the fact in relation to this House, it is manifest that elsewhere this question has been made the touch-stone of party. them, in despite of the angry frowns and threatening intiWe stood foremost, as it became us to do, in recognizing mations of Spain. Nay, more, we did this in the very teeth, and in direct opposition to the policy, of the allied sovereigns of Europe. The act was worthy the Government, and in strict accordance with its professions and avowed policy. I am in favor, Mr Chairman, of the proposed mission; and, of course, i. favor of the necessary appropriations to carry it into effect; and I will briefly state my reasons. When a diplomatic mission has been recommended by the President, and has received the sanction of the Senate, it ought, according to my theory of the Constitution, to be an extreme case, that would warrant or justify this House in refusing means to carry the mission into effect. The President and Senate are charged with the treaty-making power, and the superintendence of the foreign relations of the nation. They possess the means of acquiring all the this magnanimous act was the result of transient feeling Are we prepared, in the face of the world, to admit that necessary information, and duty demands that they should and fleeting enthusiasm or are we determined to assert exercise this power of knowing the true state of our fo-it as an act of wisdom, justice, and philanthropy? We reign relations. They are the constitutional judges of the have hitherto considered it a subject of honest pride, that policy and propriety of all foreign missions. If they abuse we led the way, and marked the road, to the extension of this power, or use it unwarily, the responsibility rests with liberal and enlightened principles. We have believed that them-they must answer to the country. I will not say we had given the first great impulse to the principle of that occasions could not occur, where, under particular self-government, as belonging to enlightened man. circumstances, it would not be in the power of this Housenay, where it might be their imperative duty to withhold tional avarice, and the base feelings of selfishness, swalHas the tranquil, but the more ignoble passion of nathe means of carrying the proposed mission into effect. lowed up this noble sentiment? But such a case ought to be palpable and striking. These be for the future, I hope and believe not. By the law of principles have been sanctioned, without an exception, 1822, we recognized their independence. Whatever my fears may within my recollection, from the organization of the Go- sympathies abated? Has our policy changed? I think Have cur The President has recommended a mission, and nomi- tier; separated by an imaginary line only. They are not. They are our neighbors, bordering upon our fronnated Ministers to Panama. The Senate, after long and young in the science of government. Unfortunately for mature deliberation, has sanctioned the measure. are responsible for the measure; we are asked for an ap- | religion, and inexperienced even in the elements of the They themselves, and for us, as neighbors, they are bigoted in propriation to carry this measure into effect. see distinctly that the happiness or the peace of the nation and experienced-have passed the day of trial. In their Unless we science of free government. We are comparatively old is to be endangered by this mission, it is our duty to vote political and moral state, we have a present and future for the means. It is not for us to look through the wide concern, in reference to our own peace and happiness. In range of our foreign relations minutely, to examine how this state of things, they, with political foresight deserving such a measure may operate upon the complicated and all commendation, by mutual agreement, determined to various relations we hold with other nations, and to pro- hold a diplomatic meeting, to consult upon their interests, nounce upon its expediency. This would be a departure and to fix their policy in regard to foreign nations. They from our constitutional sphere, and assuming responsibili- believed that we felt a deep interest, not only in their sucties not devolved upon us. whether this measure hazards the peace, or prostrates thesist between us. They looked to us as their natural adIt is enough for us to inquire cess, but in the political relations that are hereafter to subgreat interests of the nation. If we are not satisfied that visers, and respectfully invited us to be represented in the such results are probable, we ought to vote for the appro proposed Congress; to participate in their deliberations; priation. their intercourse between themselves, and their external to furnish the aid of our experience; to advise them as to and commercial relations. In the absence of all information as to the particular character of this Congress-of vernment. Before I proceed to examine these questions, I will advert to the policy we have pursued, and the feelings manifested by the People of this country in relation to the APRIL 4, 1826.] Mission to Panama. their rules of organization-of the subjects to be discuss- Notwithstanding these considerations in favor of the mission, I concede the position, that reasons might have existed that ought to have induced the Executive to decline the invitation, and that ought now to induce this House to refuse their sanction, and the necessary means to carry it into effect. If it violated the faith, endangered the peace, or involved the neutral relations of the Government, it ought to have been declined; and, if we distinctly perceived that such would be the probable result of the measure, we should stand justified in stamping it with our disapprobation. Nay, more; if the measure promised no benefit to the nation; if it was an idle waste of our resources; if it were a mere empty pageantry to gratify Executive pride, we might stand justified to the nation and the world in withholding the appropriation. I will examine these several propositions in detail. [H. of R. be any other than a diplomatic meeting? Looking to the same source, we find the manner in which these Ministers are to be commissioned. In the treaty between Colombia and Mexico, is the following stipulation: "A Congress shall be formed, to which each party shall send two Plenipotentiaries, commissioned in the same form and manner as are observed towards Ministers of equal grade to foreign nations." The same stipulation runs through the several treaties between the different States. Thus, we find the Ministers to this Congress uniformly called Plenipotentiaries. We find that they are to be commissioned, as Plenipotentiaries to or from foreign nations are commissioned; and, moreover, in looking to the duties assigned to them, we find them strictly and exclusively diplomatic. In the treaty between Colombia and Chili, the duties to be discharged by the Congress are to cement the relations which ought to exist between all and every one of these nations. It is to serve as a council in their great conflicts-as a rallying point in their common dangers-and as an umpire and conciliator in their differences, and an interpreter of their public treaties. I ask if human ingenuity can assign to these duties, or any of them, any other or different char? Are they legislative, exacter than diplomatic? If they are vested with other or greater powers, what are they ecutive, or judicial? They must necessarily belong to one or all of these designated powers. A grant of such power is no where to be found; and surely a grant of sovereign power is not to be employed. Such an implica tion would, in fact, be at war, I might say, with all rational argument. From our knowledge of the forms of government of the Southern States, could such powers be delegated by treaty stipulations? Surely not. Could the Government of the United States delegate any such powers to Plenipotentiaries? The answer must be in the 1st. Can the peace, good faith, or neutrality, of the naLet me be under- negative, and for reasons equally applicable to the Southtion be endangered by the mission? stood. I mean, endangered by any principle of national ern Republics. Throughout the whole correspondence law or of moral right. I say not. I will proceed to prove now before us, between our Government and the Ministhe position. If this is a diplomatic meeting, for purposes ters from the Southern Republics here, the Congress is of consultation upon diplomatic subjects, and to be con- treated and recognized as a diplomatic meeting; and the ducted upon diplomatic principles, no gentleman will ven- President, in his message, stands solemnly pledged to this ture to say we have not a right to have diplomatic agents nation and the world, that it is only a diplomatic meeting. there to represent our national sovereignty. If this posi- Am I not, then, warranted in concluding, that I have tion were denied, then every Congress that has been held in shown, first, that, if this is only a diplomatic meeting, that Europe under the auspices of Alexander, was a breach of we do not compromit our peace or neutrality by sending their peace, good faith, and neutrality, to us and every Ministers; and, secondly, is it not also demonstrated to be other nation not represented in these Congresses, and we only a diplomatic meeting? If, Mr. Chairman, it was had just cause of war against them; and the standing com- other than diplomatic, this discussion would be useless. The Constitution mittee at Paris, at this moment, is a continued and stand- This Government would have no power to participate in ing breach of peace, good faith, and neutrality. Have we any meeting of a different character. ever thus considered the matter? If we have, where are our would, at once, put an end to the project. But it may be said, that topics are to be there discussprotests and manifestoes? Upon precisely the same ground the Ministers appointed by the old Confederation to nego-ed, and subjects to be proposed for negotiation, that may tiate treaties with the principal Powers of Europe, who re- endanger the peace and compromit the high interests of sided in Paris for a year, placed us in a hostile attitude with the nation. It strikes me, Mr. Chairman, as a novel docthe world; violated our good faith, and was a departure from trine in diplomacy-that a nation is to abstain from negoneutrality. Has this ever been suggested from any quar- tiating for the security and advancement of its interests, ter? Other illustrations might be given, but it would be because subjects may be discussed, and measures proDid the United States a wanton trespass on the time of the committee. It only posed for adoption, inconsistent with neutral relations, remains for me, therefore, to prove that this is a diplomatic and subversive of its interests. meeting. In settling this question, we must look to the violate its neutrality in the year 1798, by the subjects disstipulations by which this Congress is created-from which cussed and the proposal made in our special message to it derives its very being. It is there, surely, if any where, France-the history of which mission is familiar to every we are to find its real character. This meeting is provid-gentleman on this floor? Should we have violated our ed for by treaty stipulations between the several Southern neutral relations, during the late European wars, by any States. To these treaties, therefore, must we resort, to proposition made to this Government, or to its Envoys ascertain the character of this meeting. In the treaty be- abroad, to take part in the war, and the discussion of such tween Colombia and Chili, the functionaries to be appoint-proposition, resulting in its rejection? I presume this ed to this meeting are called Plenipotentiaries; a term of will hardly be contended. It is not the propositions technical meaning, belonging to diplomatic character only. made or discussed between Ministers, that violate neutral In the treaties between Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, the relations; it is the result of such discussions alone, that same characteristic appellation is uniformly applied to can have that effect. If we have legitimate objects to atthose who are to constitute this meeting. Can any assem-tain, by a mission to Panama, we neither endanger our bly, constituted of Ministers Plenipotentiary exclusively, peace, subvert our interests, or violate our neutrality. H. of R.] Mission to Panama. [APRIL 4, 1826. Whatever propositions may be made there, and discuss-great law of nature, and paramount to all other law-by ed; however wild and inadmissible they may be; while our interests, and by humanity, not to suffer the present the Executive of the United States looks to the true in- condition of Cuba to be altered. If this island is revoluterests of the nation, and acts with good faith in giving tionized, and they are separated from the Spanish Gohis powers and instructions to our Ministers; while those vernment, what are to be the consequences? Another Ministers in good faith fulfil their instructions; no stipu- St. Domingo tragedy is to be acted over again. The lations can be made, injurious or dangerous to the nation; power goes into the hands of the black population, at the and if, regardless of duty, character, and his own inter- sacrifice and extermination of the whites. Anarchy, conests, the President should give instructions and powers to fiscation, and confusion, ensues. An export trade of sixour Ministers, to enter into stipulations inconsistent with ty millions, in which we have a deep stake, is annihilated. our neutrality, or dangerous to our peace, still we hold The commerce of this country receives a deep and lastthe power here of self-protection. Such stipulations ing wound. I will not pretend to fancy a picture of the would be rejected, and their faithless author doomed to effects of such an event upon the safety and tranquillity of merited disgrace. But we stand upon surer ground than the slave-holding States bordering on the Atlantic. Are even this: We have the solemn pledge of the President of these States prepared to tolerate another Hayti, almost at the United States, made in the face of the nation and of the their threshold? I answer, as a Representative of a world, that our relations of peace and neutrality are not slave-holding State, No. Again, look to the position of to be altered or affected by any measure to be adopted at Cuba, in relation to the Gulf of Mexico, the mouth of the the proposed Congress. We have, moreover, the assu- Mississippi, and the rivers to the East emptying into the rance of those giving the invitation, that the points pro- Gulf. Whether conquered by the Southern Republics, posed for discussion, in which we are expected to take and held for their joint concern, or conquered by any part, have no tendency to violate our professed principles of strong naval Power in Europe, it would afford the means neutrality. Superadded to all this, we have the express of sealing up the commerce of one-third of the territory of condition annexed to the acceptance of the invitation, that this Union. I ask this Committee-I appeal especially to our Ministers will not be authorized to enter upon any de- the gentlemen of the Valley of the Mississippi, to say liberations, or to concur in any acts, inconsistent with the whether they are disposed quietly to acquiesce either in present neutral position of the United States and its obli- the emancipation of this Island, with its present populagations. I would ask, under all these circumstances, of tion, or to the more probable event-its conquest by the this Committee, whether any well-grounded apprehen- Southern Republics upon joint concern? In the hands of sions can exist, as to the mission? any strong naval Power, especially in the hands of the Is not this mission demanded by high and important leagued Republics, it is destined to be the apple of disconsiderations, bearing directly upon the special interests cord to this country. Is not the mission to Panama, in reof the Union? In my humble opinion, it would have lation to this subject alone, necessary-nay, is it not absobeen a criminal dereliction of duty, on the part of the Ex-lutely demanded by a due regard to our safety and interecutive, to have declined the mission. I will proceed to ests At that Congress this matter is to be discussed and present some of the objects of deep interest, inviting the settled. Ought not the voice of this nation there to be vigilant attention of this Government, connected with the heard, employing, first, argument and persuasion, to diCongress at Panama. These Southern Republics, hav-vert them from their purpose? If these means fail, soing a population of thirty millions, abounding in all the lemn protest; and, if this be ineffectual to stay them, the means and resources of power-Mexico alone covering time will then have arrived for us to act. The present upon the map almost as much space as the United States, state of our negotiations with Mexico furnishes another and bordering upon our Southern frontier-are bound to- argument in favor of this mission. A discrepancy in the gether by cominon feelings, common interests, and by so-basis upon which our commercial relations with her Soulemn treaties, offensive and defensive. Can we shut our thern neighbors is to stand, would be deeply to be deploreyes upon the period when, in the course of human ed, and must necessarily lead to unpleasant and perplexevents, collisions of interests, and jarrings of policy, maying results. The Congress at Panama affords the most place us at issue with some or all of them? Do we promising opportunity of attaining the object of uniformiderive, from these considerations, no motive to meet them ty as well as reciprocity. Backed, as we shall be, by in discussion, upon subjects connected with our present those with whom we have concluded commercial arrangeand future relations with them? May not the present oc- ments, it is hardly credible that Mexico will still adhere casion, if judiciously employed, result in the adjustment to a principle, to us inadmissible, and not insisted upon of a uniform commercial policy, upon a fixed basis, that by any other party. There are many other subjects of may postpone, if not entirely prevent, collision on this interest to this nation, that might be enumerated. I have, fruitful subject of war? If the aid of our advice and ex- however, presented enough to satisfy every dispassionate perience can improve the political or moral condition of man, that this mission is demanded by sound policy. I the Southern States, are we not bound, in reference to our have examined this subject with anxiety, to come to a just own interests, to afford them the aid of both? May not conclusion-an anxiety proportioned to the appalling adour Ministers, by argument or persuasion, exert a power- monitions of threatening danger and ruin, that we have ful influence in preventing schemes being devised and heard from another quarter. I have come to an honest matured, detrimental to our interests, both commercial and dispassionate conclusion, to vote for the mission. and political? These general considerations would, of Whether this conclusion be wise or not, time will deterthemselves, afford an adequate motive, to my mind, for mine. If it should lead to entangling alliances with the the mission. There are some specific objects, however, nations of this continent or elsewhere, I shall deplore the in which we have a deep interest, that will form subjects error of my judgment. But, if such should be the result, of discussion in the Congress. The documents before us the vigilance of the Senate must slumber-upon them disclose a fixed purpose, on the part of the Southern Re- will rest the responsibility. They hold the corrective publics, to assai Spain, through Cuba and Porto Rico. and preventive power. This much is certain-the auThis purpose has only been delayed at our earnest solici-thors of such a policy will be hurled from their high tation, and the subject is for discussion at the proposed places, and consigned, by an indignant People, to a just Congress. reprobation. I presume there can be but one sentiment upon this subject in this Union. It is demanded of this Government, by every consideration of self-preservation-the One word more as to the amendment of my friend from Delaware. I respond, Mr. Chairman, to almost every sentiment in that amendment; and, if it can be so modified |