proper to the present crisis, p. 71.) the mausoleum of heroism, the sanctuary of genius, the pantheon of glory-not a single voice should have been raised throughout that Right-reverend Bench, to advocate their just rights, and, in the name of our holy religion, to demand from our Government the measures necessary for securing that life, that existence, those blessings, that independence?

"Let us endeavour to wipe away the tears from the poor oppressed natives of India, (Greece,) and suffer them, if possible, to enjoy some taste of the legal security and civil liberty, which render life dear to ourselves; which are blessings hitherto unknown to those climates, but more grateful to the heart of man than all the fruits and odors, which nature has lavished upon them." (Bp. Shipley's Works, vol. ii. p. 322.)

5. While memory holds her seat, dear Sir,

Dum memor ipse mei, dum spiritus hos regit artus,

I shall never forget the impression, which was produced on my mind by the perusal of Lord Chatham's Speech on the employment of Indians in the American war; an impression the deeper, because, while the composition delights the taste, the reasoning satisfies the understanding, the principles touch the heart, and the sentiments express the natural feelings of mankind. Now if his Lordship had lived to see this our day, what would have been his language at the policy pursued by the Government of this country in respect to the Greeks? at the silence observed by the Bishops? at the general apathy of Englishmen on this point?

The sentiments are so appropriate to the present occasion, that I may be excused for inserting the Speech intire.

"I cannot, my Lords, I will not join in congratulation on misfortune and disgrace. This, my Lords, is a perilous and tremendous moment—it is not a time for adulation-the smoothness of flattery cannot save us in this rugged and awful crisis. It is now necessary to instruct the throne in the language of truth. We must, if possible, dispel the delusion and darkness, which envelope it; and display in its full danger and genuine colors the ruin, which is brought to our doors. Can ministers still presume to expect support in their infatuation? Can Parliament be so dead to their dignity and duty, as to give their support to measures thus obtruded and forced upon them? Measures, my Lords, which have reduced this late florishing empire to scorn and contempt.

"But yesterday, and England might have stood against the world-now none so poor to do her reverence! The people, whom we at first despised as rebels, but whom we now acknowlege as enemies, are abetted against you, supplied with every military store, have their interest consulted, and their Ambassadors entertained by your inveterate enemy-and Ministers do not and dare

not interpose with dignity or effect. The desperate state of our Army abroad is in part known. No man more highly esteems and honors the English troops than I do; I know their virtues and their valor; I know they can achieve any thing but impossibilities; and I know that the conquest of English America is an impossibility. You cannot, my Lords, you cannot conquer America. What is your present situation there? We do not know the worst; but we know that in three Campaigns we have done nothing and suffered much. You may swell every expense, accumulate every assistance, and extend your traffic to the shambles of every German despot; your attempts will be for ever vain and impotent-doubly so, indeed, from the mercenary aid, on which you rely; for it irritates to an incurable resentment the minds of your adversaries, to over-run them with the mercenary sons of rapine and plunder, devoting them and their possessions to the rapacity of hireling cruelty. If I were an American, as I am an Englishman, while a foreign troop was landed in my country, I never would lay down my arms-never, never, never! But, my Lords, who is the man, that, in addition to the disgraces and mischiefs of the war, has dared to authorise and associate to our arms the tomahawk and scalping-knife of the savage? to call into civilized alliance the wild and inhuman inhabitant of the woods? to delegate to the merciless Indian the defence of disputed rights, and to wage the horrors of his barbarous war against our brethren? My Lords, these enormities cry aloud for redress and punishment. But, my Lords, this barbarous measure has been defended, not only on the principles of policy and necessity, but also on those of morality; for it is perfectly allowable,' says Lord Suffolk, to use all the means, which God and Nature have put into our hands!' I am astonished, I am shocked to hear such principles confessed, to hear them avowed in this House, or this country. My Lords, I did not intend to encroach so much on your attention; but I cannot repress my indignation-I feel myself impelled to speak. My Lords, we are called upon as members of this House, as men, as Christians, to protest against such horrible barbarity' that God and Nature have put into our hands!' What ideas of God and Nature' that Noble Lord may entertain, I know not; but I know that such detestable principles are equally abhorrent to religion and humanity. What! to attribute the sacred sanction of 'God and Nature' to the massacres of the Indian scalping-knife! to the cannibal savage, torturing, murdering, devouring, drinking the blood of his mangled victims! Such notions shock every precept of morality, every feeling of humanity, every sentiment of honor. These abominable principles, and this more abominable avowal of them, demand the most decisive indignation. I call on that Right Reverend, and this most Learned Bench, to vindicate the religion VOL. XXI. NO. XLI.

Pam.

N

of their God, to support the justice of their country. I call on the Bishops to interpose the sanctity of their lawn, upon the Judges to interpose the purity of their ermine, to save us from this pollution. I call upon the honor of your Lordships to reverence the dignity of our ancestors, and to maintain your own. I call on the spirit and humanity of my country to vindicate the national character. I invoke the Genius of the Constitution. From the tapestry, that adorns these walls, the immortal ancestor of this Noble Lord frowns with indignation at the disgrace of his country. In vain did he defend the liberty, and establish the religion of Britain, against the tyranny of Rome, if these worse than Popish cruelties and Inquisitorial practices are endured among us. send forth the merciless cannibal, thirsting for blood! against whom? your Protestant brethren? To lay waste their country, to desolate their dwellings, and extirpate their race and name, by the aid and instrumentality of these horrible hell-hounds of war! Spain can no longer boast pre-eminence in barbarity. She armed herself with blood-bounds to extirpate the wretched natives of Mexico; we, more ruthless, loose these dogs of war against our countrymen in America, endeared to us by every tie, that can sanctify humanity. I solemnly call upon your Lordships, and upon every order of men in the State to stamp upon this infamous procedure the indelible stigma of the public abhorrence. More particularly, I call upon the holy Prelates of our religion to do away this iniquity-let them perform a lustration to purify the country from this deep and deadly sin. My Lords, I am old and weak, and at present unable to say more; but my feelings and indignation were too strong to have said less. I could not have slept this night in my bed, nor even reposed my head on my pillow, without giving vent to my eternal abhorrence of such enormous and preposterous principles."

6. St. Paul, in the sixth chapter of the Epistle to the Galatians, writes thus:" And let us not be weary in well-doing; for in due season we shall reap, if we faint not. As we have therefore opportunity, let us do good unto all men, especially unto them, who are of the household of faith." And, gracious God! does not the obligation of this precept extend alike to the palace and the cottage, to the nation and the individual, to the statesman and the subject? But what Christian power has not violated this injunction by a tame acquiescence in the repeated massacres of Greeks and Franks by ruthless barbarians and accursed infidels?

7. "This righteousness and mercy, which is due to all men, but especially to those, who are under our protection, is the law of nature, the command of religion, and it ought to be the first and leading maxim of civil policy. But it is amazing how slowly in all countries the principles of natural justice, which are so evidently

necessary in private life, have been admitted into the administration of public affairs." (Bp. Shipley's Works, vol. ii. p. 322.) So well founded is this remark, that even the King of France, who is a perfect devotee in the Christian religion, and a most amiable man in private life, has not made one solitary effort to aid the Greeks in their struggle for political existence, conformably alike to the principles of that pure faith and to the dictates of an enlightened policy.

8. It has been declared from the Bench, and on the authority of Lord Coke, "that Christianity is part and parcel of the common law of the land ;" and if that be the case, doubtlessly all conduct both in the statesman and in the individual, which is repugnant to the doctrines of Christianity, is punishable by that law. I have a right then, dear Sir, to expect and to demand through the Parliament from the Ministers of this country their protection of and assistance to the Greeks in a contest, which threatens their very existence.

9. A publican was, if I rightly remember, recently tried for and convicted of the offence of refusing to receive into his house a person, who had fallen into the Thames and had been rescued from a watery grave; and it was, I think, argued in the Court, not so much that his house should have been opened to the reception of the sufferer, because it was licensed for the public accommodation, as that the law of humanity is anterior to all positive law, because it is a part of Christianity, which is part and parcel of the common law of the land. Now if an individual is in such a case and on such grounds liable to punishment for not following the precepts of our holy religion, surely no man will deny the obligation of those, who are intrusted with the administration of the country, to regulate its policy by those precepts-no man will dispute the criminality of those, who have adhered to a different system.

If it be contended that the publican might on such a ground be punished by the State, because he was a subject of the State, but that our Ministers would not be punishable for refusing to assist the Greeks, because they are the subjects of another State, I reply that England has claimed and exercised the right of interfering in the affairs of other States-has it not done so in respect to the abolition of the infamous traffic in human flesh? did it not assist in forcing at the point of the bayonet the present King on the throne of France apparently against the consent of the people? did it not for some time refuse to recognise the Spanish Constitution? and did it not connive at the unprincipled, the Buonapartean, the barbarian conduct of the Holy Alliance in crushing the rising liberties of Naples and Piedmont? I may be justified for using this strong language, when a gentleman connected with the Ministry

had during the last Session the magnanimity and the integrity to declare within the walls of Parliament, that "there was a splendor and a glory about the despotism of Napoleon, as much at least as despotismn would admit of; but that the views of the Allies are gloomy, dark, hopeless, and barbarous.”

10. The war between the Turks and the Greeks must be regarded as a war of extermination; in the nervous and sententious language of Tacitus, Utrisque necessitas in loco, spes in virtute, salus er victoria. “The cause speaks for itself; it excites feelings, which words are ill able to express; involving every object and motive, which can engage the solicitude, affect the interests, or inflame the heart of man. After a series of provocations and injuries, reciprocally sustained and retaliated, the dispute betwixt them and their enemies is brought to a short issue-it is no longer, which of the two nations shall have the ascendant, but which shall continue a nation-it is a struggle for existence, not for empire." (Robert Hall's Sentiments proper to the present Crisis, p. 68.) And with this feeling shall we not deem it to be our plain and paramount duty as Christians to aid the cause of the Christian Greeks? If we hesitate a moment to take a decided part in the struggle—if we in any way whatever lend any support to the base horde of Asiatic infidels, are we not manifestly chargeable with a share in the guilt of all the massacres, which those accursed barbarians may make of the Greeks, who may unfortunately fall into their hands? Does not the innocent blood recently shed in Constantinople and in Scio "rise up in judgment" against us, because by a proper interference we could and must have prevented it? Methinks I see the shade of the venerable Patriarch of Constantinople, murdered by an enthroned ruffian, hovering over the dome of St. Stephen, waving the Standard of the Cross, and in sbrill and lugubrious tones demanding from the people of England as fellow Christians-on the faith of the religious principles, which they profess,-vengeance for himself and protection for his oppressed countrymen!

11. But it is argued that the cruelties, which have been charged on the Turks, have been practised in a similar way by the Greeks themselves. If such is the fact, this is the strongest possible reason for assisting the Greeks to realise their national independence, because by making them free you will inspire them with all the generous sentiments of free-born men-" their souls will walk abroad in their own majesty-their bodies will swell beyond the measure of their chains, which will burst from around them, and they will stand redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled by the irresistible Genius of Universal Emancipation." (Curran's Defence of Rowan.) But, while I shall not attempt to palliate any barbari