SUCCESS. I am not called upon here to defend the character of the clergy of the Church of England; as a body, they need no defence; as men subject to human frailties, and to human vicissitudes, they cannot be without error; but as a body of men, their excellence cannot be approached by any other distinct class of the community, whether in England, or Europe, or in the world. In all discussion respecting them, look to the source from whence it comes, and it will be found to arise from political partisans, sectarians, or what are termed liberals. To the coterie of the latter, established in pandemonium, a spectre has just flitted on, laden with "The Edinburgh Review, or Critical Journal, No. LXXIV. NOVEMBER, 1822." With what grins will they not read, by the light of their bonfires-the articles on the Durham Case-Clerical Abuses-MR. CANNING and Reform-the Bishop of Peterborough and his Clergy! I should be ashamed to waste many words upon the question of "Reform in Parliament." I perfectly agree with "The Times," that every word which was really uttered at the meeting of the freeholders of the County of York should be circulated throughout the kingdom. Will any reasonable man believe that such meeting was any other than the meeting of a party? And what does it prove? Why! that one man in ten is an advocate for reform, throughout the extensive county of York. But that is of less importance than the fact, that one man, a true lion-hearted Englishman, stood, with one second only by his side, and stemmed the torrent (as he has done before), and faced Earl Fitzwilliam's converted Son, and the County of York. But I would put a few questions :-Is reform intended to raise the price of corn? for the clamorists are large landholders-and how happens it, that the question is always brought forward in troublesome times? When trade and manufactures languished, reform in parliament was the sovereign plaster; now agriculture is depressed, reform in parliament is the certain and undoubted remedy; reform in parliament cures then the blister of trade, commerce, and agriculture. Wonderful specific, truly! But commerce has recovered her more than wonted strength, and yet no reform in parliament has taken place: but a reform in the principles of our shipping and mercantile interests has, which will in no short time extend its influence to the primary branch of agriculture. This unreformed house (whose rusty key J. C. H. would throw into the Thames) can therefore be the parent of reform. Without looking to history, the question of representation divides itself into many points. Is the mode of returning the member of the representative assembly of so much, or of more importance, than the return of good, true, and honest men? Is lip eloquence to be preferred to the language of honor, truth, and education? Are political tinkers, men without any stake in the country, family connection, or sense of shame, fit representatives for moral and honest England? Among the ancients have not the best, and the wisest men, the most disinterested legislators, and the bravest of warriors, fallen sacrifices to the ingratitude of mobs? Has not the madness of mobs raised the worst of men into situations of trust and command, to the ruin of their country? Is it not possible that a body of twelve, or twenty-four, or forty men, small enough to be capable of deliberation, may return a much more fit person to be a member of parliament, than a larger body acted upon by influence? In the smaller assembly, may not the particular merits and useful qualifications of any one or two persons, be better known and appreciated than in a mob? It is begging the question to presume that a smaller body can be corrupted. It is a gross insult upon the national character, and such as Englishmen in their individual capacities do not deserve. And it is a high compliment to the gentlemen of England; to its freeholders, its burgesses, and its scot-and-lot men; that the question of reform is always agitated upon the admission of the intelligence and enlightened spirit of the age. Flattery the most gross, is the main instrument of its working. It says: You Englishmen are the most moral, the most enlightened, the most public-spirited fellows in the world; but you want to be reformed. What! Reform the most moral, the most enlightened and the most public-spirited fellows in the world! I would ask, what has made you so I reply, Your constitution and your representation. ? Suspect two things" political-economist politicians," and "reform attempted in times of public pressure." I will suppose two such men as Mr. Wortley and Lord John Russell shut out of the House of Commons. Which is best, that they may creep in through the key-hole of a close borough, or the nation lose the benefit of their character and their talents? In truth, a variety of interests require a variety of management. To decide single and abstract questions, one unvarying mode of representation may be adequate. To understand and discuss the multifarious interests of England, it is talent which is necessary: and it is a choice of talent, which confined and various modes of election ensure to be returned to the House of Commons. A county election is a popular election; the qualification is easy: a borough election is an election within a county. Thus in fact, the system on which members are returned to the House partakes of "popular representation," and a "representation of interests." And I assert that the popular representation, that is the representation of every man in the kingdom, worth forty shillings a year, can overpower the ministers of the day. Yes! but I shall be told, that the County Members are corrupt. I again repeat, that such language is a libel against the gentlemen of England, of whatever party they may be. And I assert, that however restricted the mode of returning a member to Parliament may be; that he is, and acts, and considers himself to be, the representative de facto, if not de jure, of the whole interests of the city or borough, from whence his return is made. Talk of representation! Who does not remember the care, time, attention and discussion which were bestowed on the factory children, and the chimney-sweeping, bills; that the children should be placed under the protecting and paternal care of the law? What members did they send to Parliament? Yet they were represented, and powerfully too. Why! The very beasts of the field are represented in the House of Commons; as witness the bill to prevent cruelty to animals. The negroes of Africa are represented in the House of Commons, by a member from a rotten borough. In truth, and in fact, the more "reform" is agitated, the more it will be found that the House of Commons represents interests, which is of as extensive importance as population. Of "economy" and "retrenchment," I may be allowed to say a few words, and but few. Since the peace, taxation has undergone a diminution equal to one-third of all the present income of the state; and in consequence, most articles of consumption have fallen in the same proportion. Through every department of the state, a thorough dismissal of every idle and supernumerary clerk has taken place. With regard to those remaining; and in all cases of allowance, remuneration, and retirement; a legislative scale has been adopted, to which the executive government is pledged. Sinecures and future reversions are abolished; and as far as legislation and prudence can go, (and they should go hand-in-hand) they have gone. If the scale of 1792 is to be the standard, then it can only be attained by reducing England to the scale of 1792. Is England willing to give up Malta, St. Helena, Ceylon, Mauritius, Surinam, Trinidad, Berbice, Essequibo, St. Lucie, Tobago, the African settlements, and our East Indian conquests? Then her naval and military establishments can be reduced. Expenditure is comparative; pounds shillings and pence have no reasoning faculties, and convey no argument, till the cause of the multiplication is applied. As to the employment and pay of servants of the Crown; it cannot but be remarked, that through all the departments of the public VOL. XXI. NO. XLII. Pam. 2 P offices, there is a greater air of respectability, of rank, and character, than formerly. Much of this arises from long establishment, and much from care and attention in the principle of admission. There are thousands who can attest, that nothing was more common, when a man was unfortunate, than that his friends should say "Oh, we must get him a place under Government.' Fam far from objecting to a principle of such a nature-it should not be carried to too great an extent; though the experience of many an unfortunate man has been found valuable to the executive. Government often has to contend for the attainment of proper and fit persons for responsible situations, and offices requiring certain qualifications. The acquirements of many can be turned to greater advantage in private undertakings; but in these there is risk; therefore, the certain pay of government is equal to a larger remuneration, acquired with greater anxiety, and more chance of loss. The public expect from the executive, the strict, punctual, and unerring performance of its duties; and these can only be attained by a principle of responsibility, from the heads of offices to the lowest and last-admitted clerk; and it is not merely responsibility, but confidence must be placed in tens of thousands. I do not mean that a cunning spirit of secrecy is to pervade the public departments; but that faith must be placed in the due performance of the most subordinate duties. The qualities of official men differ so much, that five hundred a year is economical, for the services of some, where a hundred would be dear for those of others. Any body will do for a government-clerk" was once the cry; but "every body will not do;" and it is (1 say it with pride) the precision, the regularity, and the character of the public offices, which tend greatly to a courteous and efficient dispatch of public business, in which private interests are more or less involved. All economy is not retrenchment. The question is not merely "can this be dispensed with ?" but, what will the replacing cost? and every thing found to be useless, has long ago been discarded. Those only acquainted with public offices can tell the mean acts, the invitations to fraud, the bribery and corruption which have been employed in detecting what are called "Government abuses." The members of a Committee out of doors, employing discharged, dismissed, and disgraced servants, (once of the Crown,) can hardly be relied upon for correct information and many charges have been attempted, upon evidence which would not hang a dog, or convict a known thief. : I now approach the end of this (I fear, but hope not,) tedious address; and, to refresh the memory, will recapitulate its results :-1. That England is "The Umpire of Europe." 2. That the National credit must be preserved. 3. That the Sinking Fund must be inviolate. 4. That the National Debt is an active medium; a bank of deposit a means of income--productive of a regular circulating payment and of importance to the lower classes, as enabling them to save upon interest. 5. That the commerce of England is most florishing; and its interests have not been neglected. 6. That the internal peace of England was never in more certainty of repose, notwithstanding five out of six of my acts are in existence; and that popular meetings have under them, acquired a greater rank, and tend to more influential consequences. 7. That agricultural embarrassment must and will pass away; but, that its immediate distress justifies the measure of sending back the foreign corn now bonded. 8. That a new arrangement of the Poor's Law, by placing them under a public board, might produce important results, and decrease the amount of the rates. 9. That the commutation of tithe would give greater scope to the employment of agricultural capital-benefit the Church-and enable the farmer to afford corn cheap, by a more spirited mode of cultivation. 10. That the three last measures are applicable to agricultural distress. 11. That "reform" is not applicable at all. 12. That economy and retrenchment are applicable, and when any case for their further exertion can be made out-Government will not delay its duty. My spirit will hover over the British Empire; and should it ever be intended to record my memory, I would only desire to be thus noticed : HENRY ROBERT STEWART, Second Marquess of Londonderry ; SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS, AND KNIGHT OF THE MOST NOBLE ORDER OF THE GARTER, &c. &c. Who, in the full bloom of Manhood, fell a Mental Sacrifice to an ardent and zealous performance of his Ministerial and Parliamentary functions, ON THE 12th DAY OF AUGUST, AN. DOM. 1822. |