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out restriction to the blacks would mean that the intelligent whites were powerless-overwhelmed. Government would be in the hands of men steeped in ignorance of political responsibilities to a degree impossible for northern people to imagine. Only residence among them can give a true impression. No fault this of the colored people who were reared and held in slavery, or who at best are only emerging from that depth. The cheering fact is that they have shown and are showing more and more the capacity to rise in the scale. There can not be any doubt about this; their rapid and increasing acquisition of property proves it beyond a cavil.
Now, the wise policy seems obvious. We should agree that the keeping down of millions of people, even if successful, would be destructive to civilized society and a menace to the State. To treat them as if they had already risen would be equally so; therefore, an educational test for the suffrage should be adopted and strictly applied, applicable to white and black alike, for ignorance in the whites is deplorable. There is only one way to make satisfactory members of society, whether black or white, and that is through education in its widest sense.
So much for the dangerous and dillicult problem of the Soutlı. To our white brothers and fellow-citizens of the South we owe at least an equal duty, and especially to the ignorant. Ile is no true friend of the South or wise American who forgets this, and I hope we shall prove in the future that while we sympathize with the colored race we do not forget our white brothers. After all is said and done, the improvement of the South, white and black, must be accomplished by the best educated white element in the South, which is in sympathy with our views and seeks the steady though perhaps slow elevation of both races, not the continued degradation of either. I stand before you to-night, side by side and hand in hand with our Southern brothers of our own race, feeling that it is through them we must labor if we are to solve the threatening problem which menaces the South. Fortunately the Educational Conference, Hampton, and Tuskegee all recognize this and find a responsive white element in the South, with which they are in cordial alliance.
It is amazing to see now and then schemes for the expatriation of the colored race, as if such a transfer were possible, which is not, and further, as if such a transfer were desirable, which it is not. We have a country with less than thirty people per square mile. England and Wales, Belgium and Holland, have over five hundred. We can not produce cotton enough for the wants of the world. We should be in the position in which South Africa is to-day but for the faithful, placable, peaceful, industrious, lovable colored man; for industrious and peaceful he is compared with any other body of colored men on the earth-not up to the standard of the colder North in continuous effort, but far in advance of any corresponding class anywhere. South Africa has just had to admit contracted Chinese labor, although there are between fire and six millions of colored people there who will not work. We should be in the same condition but for our colored people, who constitute one of the most valuable assets of the Republic, viewed from an economic standpoint. It is certain we must grow more cotton to meet the demands of the world or endanger our practical monopoly of that indispensable article. Either the efforts of Europe will be successful to grow in other parts, even at greater cost for a time, or the world will learn to substitute something else for it. We can not afford to lose the negro. We have urgent need of all and of more. Let us therefore turn our efforts to making the best of him. Signs are highly encouraging. Individuals of the race who have risen and are to-day good citizens and worthy of the suffrage are easily found, and it is by the exceptional man every race is listedi.
ED 1904 M-36
The race is improving and is capable of continued improvement, and the poor whites of our own race in the South, it goes without saying, are capable, with proper education, of what we ourselves have accomplished. We proclaim as our sole purpose the steady elevation of the ignorant of both white and black races in the South. That is the duty in behalf of which we meet to-night, with our hands and hearts outstretched to our own race in the South, beseeching its wisest leaders to advise us how we can best cooperate with them under their guidance for the genuine advancement of that portion of our common country we love so well.
Mr. CARNEGIE. Ladies and gentlemen, I have now to introduce to you one whose voice is heard upon every vital question affecting our country; and there is one merit President Eliot possesses in the highest degree—there is never any doubt where he stands. Our universities are sometimes charged with neglect of attention to civic questions, but there are none in any other country whose presidents take such leading parts in public affairs and who are such leaders of the people. Among the foremost of these ranks he whom I beg to present, President Eliot, of Ilarvard, our oldest university.
ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ELIOT.
There is no larger or graver problem before civilized man at this moment than the prompt formation of a sound public opinion about the right treatment of backward races, and Hampton possesses the keywords of that great problemeducation and productive labor. The support of Hampton Institute depends directly on public opinion concerning it among intelligent and public-spirited people North and South. Let these people remain convinced that Hampton not only has been but is and will be an effective instrument for uplifting the two backward races it serves, and let this conviction be as firmly and broadly planted in the Southern mind as in the Northern and the vigorous life of the institute is assured.
I therefore ask your attention to some of the resemblances and some of the differences between opinion at the North and opinion at the South concerning the negro.
In the first place, northern opinion and southern opinion are identical with regard to keeping the two races pure-that is, without admixture of one with the other. The northern whites hold this opinion quite as firmly as the southern whites; and, inasmuch as the negroes hold the same view, this supposed danger of mutual racial impairment ought not to have much influence on practical measures. Admixture of the two races, so far is it proceeds, will be, as it has been, chietly the result of sexual vice on the part of white men; it will not be a widespread evil; and it will not be advocated as a policy or method by anybody worthy of consideration. It should be borne in on the mind of the southern whites that their northern brethren are entirely at one with them in this matter, in spite of certain obvious differences of behavior toward the negro at the North and at the South.
Let us next consider some of these differences of practical behavior. At the North it is common for negro children to go to the public schools with white children, while at the South negro children are not admitted to white schools. This practice at the North may be justly described as socially insignificant, because the number of negro children is in most places very small in proportion to the number of white children. In northern towns where negro children are proportionally numerous there is just the same tendency and desire to separate them from the whites that there is in the South. This separation may be effected by public regulations, but if not it will be effected by white
parents procuring the transfer of their children to schools where negroes are few. The differences of practice in this matter at the North and at the South are the result of the different proportion of negroes to the white population in the two sections. Thus in the high schools and colleges of the North the proportion of negroes is always extremely small, so small that it may be neglected as a social influence. Put the prosperous northern whites into the Southern States, in immediate contact with millions of negroes and they would promptly establish separate schools for the colored population, whatever the necessary cost. Transfer the southern wbites to the Nortlı, where the negroes form but an insignificant fraction of the population, and in a generation or two they would not care whether there were a few negro children in the public schools or not, and would therefore avoid the expense of providing separate schools for the few colored children.
With regard to coming into personal contact with negroes, the adverse feeling of the northern whites is stronger than that of the southern whites, who are accustomed to such contacts; but, on account of the fewness of the negroes at the North, no separate provision is made for them in public conveyances and other places of public resort. It would be inconvenient and wasteful to provide separate conveyances; and, moreover, race is not the real determining consideration in regard to agreeableness of contact in a public conveyance or other public resort. Any clean and tidy person, of whatever race, is more welcome than any dirty person, be he white, black, or yellow. Here again the proportion of the negro to the white population is a dominant consideration. On the whole, there is no essential difference between the feelings of the northern whites and the southern whites on this subject; but the uneducated northern whites are less tolerant of the negro than the southern whites. More trades and occupations are actually open to negroes in the Southern States than in the Northern.
I come next to a real difference between northern opinion and southern opinion-a difference the roots of which are rather hard to trace. At the North nobody connects political equality—that is, the possession of the ballot and eligibility to public oflice--with social equality; that is, free social intercourse on equal terms in the people's homes. At the South the white population seems to think wuanimously that there is a close connection between the two questions following: Shall a negro vote or be a letter carrier? and Shall he sit with a white man at dinner or marry a white man's sister? At the North these two questions seem to have nothing whatever to do with each other. For generations the entire male population of a suitable age has possessed the ballot; but the possession of the ballot has never had anything to do with the social status of the individual voter. In the northern cities, which generally contain a great variety of white nationalities, the social divisions are numerous and deep; and the mere practice of political equality gives no means whatever of passing from one social set to another supposed to be higher. The social sets are determined by like education, parity of income, and similarity of occupation, and not at all by the equality of every citizen before the law. Many an old New England village and many a huge tenement house in a great city at the North illustrate the sharpness and fixity of social distinctions much more strongly than the newest fashionable quarter.
The male villagers call each other John and Bill when they meet on the road or at town meeting, but their families hold themselves apart. In the tenement house families will live for years on the same staircase and yet never exchange so much as a nod. In democratic society it is only “ birds of a feather that flock together,” and true social mobility in a democracy is not preserved by the ballot or by any theory of the equality of all men before the law, but by public educa
tion and by the precious freedom which enables the men and women who possess remarkable natural gifts of any sort to develop and utilize those gifts. This democratic mobility is an application of the general principle that human beings of the same sort, possessing the same desires and governed by the same motives, will seek each other out and associate in the pursuit of common objects, whether at work or at play. At the North, then, people do not in the least connect political equality with social equality of intercourse. In this respect the northern people closely resemble the English and the nations of continental Europe that have introduced the ballot into their political structures. No European has ever associated the possession of the ballot with social equality. An Englishman would find such an idea utterly unintelligible. During the nineteenth century there have been successive extensions of the suffrage in England, but these extensions have not affected in the least the social classification of the English people. To the northern mind there is something positively comical in the notion that a letter carrier or a fourth-class postmaster or an alderman changes his social status or his social prospects when he attains to his office. At the North this man remains in the social position to which his education, business training, and social faculties entitle him. Ilis fellow-citizens may form a new opinion about him from the way he does his work and from his bearing and manners, but if his social status is altered in any way it will be because his personal qualities give him a lift or a drop, and not because he holds an office by election or appointment. At the South, on the other hand, the possession of the ballot before the civil war distinguished the poor white from the black slave, and to hold public office was a highly valued mark of distinction among whites. Hence the southern whites are convinced that possession of the ballot and eligibility to public office, however humble, tend toward social equality between two races which ought not to be mised, while nothing in the long experience of freedom among the northern whites has ever suggested to them that there is any connection between social intercourse and political equality. The southern white sees a race danger in eating at the same table with the negro; he sees in being either the lost or the guest of a negro an act of race infidelity. The northern white sees nothing of the kind. The race danger does not enter into bis thouglits at all; he does not believe there is any such danger. To be the host or guest of a negro, a Mexican, or a Japanese would be for him simply a matter of present pleasure, convenience, or courtesy. It would never occur to him that such an act could possibly harm his own race. Ilis pride of race does not permit him to entertain such an idea. This is a significant difference between northern whites and southern whites. Their sentiments on this subject are really unlike—so unlike that they do not understand each other. Yet their fundamental belief that the two races ought to live socially a part is precisely the
The southern sentiment on this subject ought to be provisionally respected as a social fact, although the northern white's race feeling seems to be really much more robust than that of the southern white's. The northerner's is simply impregnable, like the self-respect of a gentleman. If the southerner when in the North could conform to northern practice, and the northerner when in the South to southern practice, each without losing caste at home, an amiable modus vivendi would be secured.
Again, the northern whites and the southern do not entirely agree with regard to public education. Northern opinion is unanimous in favor of giving the whole southern population-white and black alike-good opportunities for education in erery grade, though in separate establishments. It seems to the northern whites that if the southern negroes are to constitute a separate community-separate, that is, with regard to church, school, and all social life that separate community will need not only industrious laborers and operatives,
active clerks, and good mechanics, but also teachers, preachers, lawyers, physicians, engineers, and indeed professional meii of all sorts, and therefore that all grades of education should be made accessible to negro children and youth.
On this subject three different opinions may be discerned among southern whites. Some southern whites, educated and uneducated, think that any education is an injury to the negro race, and that the negro should continue to multiply in the Southern States with access only to the lowest forms of labor, for which they maintain, as Plato did, that no education is necessary. Another section of the southern whites holds that negro children should be educated, but only for manual occupations--that is, for farm work, household work, and work in the fundamental trades, sucl as the carpenter's, mason's, and blacksmith's. This section approves of manual training and trade schools, but takes no interest in the higher education of the negro, Still a third section of the southern whites recognizes the obvious fact that a separate negro community must be pro ided with negro professional men of good quality, else neither the physical nor the moral welfare of the negro population will be thoroughly provided for. At the North the higher education of the few young negroes who will reach that grade can be provided in the colleges and professional schools maintained for white youth and is successfully given at this moment to a few negro youth. In the Southern States the higher education must be given in separate institutions, if at all. The northern people hardly realize how heavy the educational burden on the Southern States really is, because at the North they are under no necessity of providing separate institutions of all grades for negroes in addition to those provided for the whites. The pecuniary burden of this separate provision on the relatively poor Southern States is enormous; it is heavy in the elementary schools, but in the higher grades of education it is heavier still in proportion to the numbers to be educated. The provision of a higher education for negroes is the logical consequence of the proposition that the black and white races should both be kept pure; and, as I have said, this proposition is accepted both at the North and at the South. The alternative view, that the negro needs no education, or is harmed by it, or that the race should only be offered the lower grades of education, is thoroughly inconsistent with the proposition that the two races should be kept unmixed. Democratic society can not possibly contemplate the permanent presence of millions of a race but recently delivered from slavery breeding fast and left in ignorance, or even without guidance and incentives to intellectual and spiritual life. Such a suggestion flies in the face of all democratic thought about public justice, liberty, and even safety.
The northern whites have precisely the same dread of an ignorant and corruptible suffrage that the southern whites feel, for they have suffered and are now suffering from it. Millions of immigrants, who have had no practice in civil or religious liberty, have invaded the North, and negro suffrage there has often proved not only unintelligent but mercenary. Their remedy, however, for an ignorant suffrage is to abolish ignorance by patient, generous work on the children. As an aid in this long campaign they value an educational qualification for the suffrage. Moreover, the northern people are having at home abundant illustration of the way crimes increase when portions of the population have emancipated themselves from accustomed restraints, but have not yet been provided with any new effective restraints either from within or from without. In this respect they are prepared to sympathize warmly with their southern bretlıren, whose situation is even more difficult than their own. Both parts of the country are feeling acutely the same need—the need of a stronger arm for the law, of a permanent, large, pervasive police force, organized in military fashion and provided with all the best means for instantaneous com