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witnessed also the more grateful manifestation of the founding of its University. He instituted attempts (1559), which only proved futile, to subjugate the natives of Florida ;1 but he was more successful in the Northwest, where new mining regions were acquired.
Yucatan, which had been governed by the Audiencia up to 1562, was now disjoined from the central power, and Quijada, in 1562, began there his independent rule, and his successors continued it through periods of somewhat monotonous dissensions. 2
The next year (1563) Martin Cortés, now thirty years old, the son of the 1 Ante, Vol. II. p. 258.
ii. 650, and citations; iï. (1601-1708), ch. 8; v. 2 For Yucatan events
Bancroft's Mexico, 83-85. * Champlain's drawing as reproduced in his Voyage to the West Indies and Mexico (London, 1859).
conqueror, came from Spain, and with the renown of his name and the lavishness of his mode of living he soon caused Velasquez, then in power, to feel that there was a dangerous rival near the vice-regal throne. Some daring and ambitious spirits tried to use this natural prestige of Cortés to make head for a conspiracy which aimed to make Cortés king. There is no evidence that the visitor favored it, and when the betrayed leaders were executed he was only spared to be given to torture and to years of suspicions and fines.1
By 1568 the viceroys of New Spain began to find that how to meet the maritime rapine from the European enemies of Spain was a problem not the least difficult of those which confronted them. In September of that year, John Hawkins with nine ships captured the castle of San Juan de Uluí, and then had wit enough to escape fairly well from the toils of treachery in which he was soon involved. A few years later (1572), Drake
1 Orozco y Berra's Noticia histórica de la con- 1853) is the main dependence for this conspirjuracion del Marquès del Valle 1565-68 (Mexico, acy. Cf. Bancroft, Mexico, ii. 635.
plundered here and there along the Gulf coast; in 1578 he appeared on the Pacific coast, and in 1586 he burned Saint Augustine in Florida ; while both the French and English marauders of the sea gave the shore people little quiet for the rest of the century. Floods, the fearful scourge of dis
ease, and the introduction of the Inquisition, added other horrors to the time. Archbishop Montúfar had regularly established in Mexico the scru
1 Cf. ante, Vol. II. 453; III. 64. De Bry's in the Coquina edition of C. B. Reynolds' Old Drake's Attack on St. Augustine is reproduced St. Augustine.
* After a plate in Holland's Herologia Anglica, 1620.
tiny of the Inquisition in 1571, the year before he died, when he was succeeded by Bishop Landa of Yucatan, who had used its terrors against the heathen of Yucatan as early as 1562, and was now, in 1574, to institute the earliest auto da fé in Mexico.
It was not long before the devastations of the marauding fleets of rival nations endangered the free passage of the rich trading ships that plied
between Acapulco and Manilla, and the treasure vessels that bore revenue from the Gulf ports to Spain. In 1581 it had become necessary to give these carriers of bullion a convoy of war-ships. In 1584, Francisco de Gali, seeking to avail of the Japanese current and of the trade-winds 2 in coming from the Asiatic ports, had turned to the north, and first sighted the Cali
1 On church government in Mexico, 1550-1600 aning of trade-wind from their availability for see Bancroft's Mexico, ii. ch. 31 ; on the religious commerce. The early navigators (Hakluyt, ed. orders, ch. 32. The Franciscans had come in 1600, iji. 849; Dampier's Voyages, Lond., 1705. ii. 1524, the Dominicans in 1526; but not till 1572 pt. 3, pp. 1, 2) used the phrase "to blow trade,” the Jesuits, in 1585 the Carmelites, and in 1589 which meant to blow in a fixed path (Professor the Benedictines.
William M. Davis). 2 The dictionaries seem to err in deriving the
From Hulsius, Sammlung, xvii, being the Reiss und Schiffart of Spilbergen (Franckfurt am Mayn, 1620). Cf. also Spilbergen's Speculum (Lugduni Batavorum, 1619), and the Journal van de Nassausche Vloot (Amsterdam, 1626). In the next century we find plans in Ottens' Grand théâtre de la guerre en Amérique (Amsterdam, 1717); in Anson's Voyages (reproduced herewith); a later Spanish survey in 1791, published by the British Admiralty in 1818; and later ones, enumerated by Uricoechea.
A view of the port from Montanus is given ante, II. 394, and modern travels will furnish later aspects, like J. R. Bartlett's Personal Narrative, vol. i.
fornia coast under 37° 30'; then he coasted south to Acapulco.1 This
The voyage of Viscaino in 1602 had given new knowledge of the north-
Internally, at this time, the condition of New Spain was not encouraging, though time and circumstance had forced upon its rulers a more humane policy toward the natives. There was enough oppression still to make the Indians join the negroes in occasional revolts. The capital city, if not occupied with the commotions of the remoter districts, found that successive inundations rendered the question of some relief by engineering works imperative, to quiet the growing feeling that it might be necessary to abandon the lake region and build a new capital on higher ground. Works were
1 Cf. II. pp. 455, 462.
IV. Cf. North Mexican States, i. 386, 393, 396,
on maritime explorations, 1601-1636.
Hist. Essay on the Dutch books (Amsterdam,