recovering the rights of trade which she had before, granted to England. Learning from experience the drawbacks of her annual fleets, she now allowed her own merchants so to ply their private trade with the colonies that foreign interlopers kept little of the advantage which the commercial dulness of Spain had made it easy for them to obtain in the past. This individual Spanish activity so rapidly increased that in 1748 the regular galleon trade came to an end.1

Contrafactur des Hatent Acapulco.

Spanish exclusive claims to the regions discovered by Columbus, the popular mind in England was pampered with the belief that these Spanish discoveries must yield to the rights established by the voyage of Madoc, the Welsh prince, as set forth in The British Sailor's Discovery, or the Spaniards' Pretensions confuted (London, 1739). Cf. ante, Vol. I. ch. 2.

1 The galleon and flota service had been up to about 1720 regularly carried on from Cadiz, but at that date it was transferred to another port. The routes of these Spanish fleets are explained on many of the maps which were issued during the early years of the eighteenth century. On Hermann Moll's Map of the West Indies, dedicated to William Paterson, and appearing about

VOL. VIII.-14

1700, the fleets are tracked as entering the enclosed sea by way of Trinidad, and while the flota proceeded direct to Vera Cruz, the galleon stopped awhile on the coast of New Grenada, so that expresses could be sent overland to Cartagena, Lima, and Panama, "to hasten the king's treasure." Thence they are shown to proceed to Cartagena, where they stay 60 days, and thence go to Porto Bello, where they remain 30 days, while a fair or mart was held, and then they return to Cartagena. The flota from Vera Cruz and the galleons now rendezvous at Havana, whence in company they start, by way of the Bahama channel, for Spain. These legends are repeated on the New Map of the West Indies, by N. Vischer (Amsterdam); on Covens and Mortier's Archipe

Events like these, and other reasons, rendered the more settled occupation of these Upper Pacific coast regions desirable for the aggrandizement of Spanish trade. There were wild Indians in Nueva Galicia still to be brought under subjection, and the conquest of Nayarit occurred in the early years of the eighteenth century. The expansion of the mission system was preparing the way for more active and secular interests.

As the years went on, new names among the Pacific corsairs were repeated with terror along the coast. In 1742 Captain George Anson appeared off Acapulco, and failing to intercept the freighted galleons there, he stretched his course towards the Asiatic islands, and made up in success on that coast for his failure on the other.

The work of the Jesuits after a while was brought to an end, during the rule of Archbishop Lorenzana, by their final expulsion in 1767, under an order of Cárlos III, which drove them out of all his dominions, -a procedure carried out, in Mexico and elsewhere, cruelly, despite the will of Pope Clement XIII. The execution of this order brought renewed attention to the Jesuits' missions in Sonora and California, which now became the field of the Franciscans and Dominicans. The occupation of Upper California was at this time pushed with something like business persistency, the settlements first beginning just above the peninsula at San Diego, to which the parties of occupation went by sea and land. Thence expeditionary companies were started up in 1769 to Monterey and to San Francisco Bay, then just discovered. In the succeeding years town after town was founded, San Carlos, San Antonio, San Gabriel, and the rest, where the mission stations were made the centres of interest.

These first towns had but the slightest accompaniments of agriculture, though their supply of live-stock flourished and increased. In 1773 the region of Upper California had become important enough to be parcelled out into presidios. Then immigrants began to flock in. There were among them missionaries, of course, and foremost; but there were not wanting store

lague du Méxique; and on Ottens' Nova Isthmi Americani tabula (Amsterdam, 1717). Cf., on this traffic, Bury's Exodus of the Western Nations

(ii. ch. 2); and on the ocean route of the trading ships, Brevoort's Verrazano, p. 101.

1 Cf. John T. Doyle in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., October, 1873, p. 110.

*After a print in the Allgemeine Geographische Ephemeriden, July, 1805.

keepers, blacksmiths, and other representatives of a permanent civil life.1 The chief apprehension came from the reports of Russian approaches down. the coast from Alaska,2 and it was not long before a supply ship was sent up the coast to discover how impending the danger was. In 1775 other vessels went north from San Blas, and it was now, as Bancroft holds, that

the exploring parties transferred the name of San Francisco from the little bay under Point Reyes to the magnificent expanse within the Golden Gate.3 At the same time and later, other expeditions, overland and by way of the Colorado, accompanied by animals, and provided with weapons and with the 1 California, i. ch. 9, 10. Father Serra, who Russian exploration as then understood in westwas one of the leading spirits in these days, left ern Europe. descriptive notes, which Bancroft uses.

3 It was now that Lieut. Ayala explored the 2 The London Mag., 1764, gives a map of the bay by water and that Rivera continued his land

explorations of the previous year.

From the plate (Voyage par Geo. Anson, Genève, 1750) which appears in all the editions, showing the taking of the galleon "Nuestra Senora de Cabadonga" by the "Centurion." See cut of a galleon, ante, II. P. 456.

conveniences of family life, were conducted by Anza, Font, and Garcés. Bancroft gives a map1 showing the routes of these earliest wanderers along the bay and over the peninsula of San Francisco, where in 1776-77 the presidio and mission of that name were founded. Other settlements and presidios were established within the next few years, Los Angeles, Santa

* From a Spanish MS. as given in the English translation of Miguel Costanso's Historical Journal (London, 1790). KEY: A, Entrance of the famous port. a, Bay Carmelita. b, Ysla de los Angeles. c, White Island. d, Ya. de Mal Abrigo. e, S. Juan Capistrano. f, Bay of na. sa. la Maniera. g, Round Bay, or Guadalupe. h, Estero de las mercedes. k, Bay of Asumpta. Junction of the various mouths of the river. m, Channel of the river. n, Rancherias of the Indians dealing in fish and tobacco. p, Mountain of S. Juan Bautista. Cf. the plans and map in Bancroft's California, i. pp. 695, 699, 703. The maritime explorations of the Pacific coast are traced in Vol. II., ante. The cartographical ideas of the upper coast at this time (1770) are seen in the map engraved by Tomas Lopez, and published at Madrid in 1771, which is reproduced in Wm. Reveley's English version of Miguel Costanso's Hist. Journal of the expeditions by sea and land to the north of California in 1768-70 (London, 1790). Some years later La Perouse, in his maps of the coast and of San Francisco Bay, seems to have used Spanish originals. (Cf. Bancroft, California, i. 434, 475.) Cf. Palou's map, 1787, in Ibid. 407. Mr. John T. Doyle, in a communication printed in the American Antiquarian Society's Proceedings, April, 1889, questions the accuracy of Bancroft's statement (California, i. 157) when that writer claims, through an assistant, to have first given publicity (in the Overland Monthly, June, 1874) to the evidence of the discovery of the bay of San Francisco in 1769, Mr. Doyle asserting on the contrary that he first announced the proofs from Crespi's diary, and drew Mr. Bancroft's attention to them in August, 1870.

Barbara, and some others, and the instituting of pueblos became a settled policy.

But the possible value of the upper coast was never distant from the thoughts of these pioneers of California. The publication of the accounts of the voyage of Cook had already opened (1778-79) the Spanish eyes to the importance of the fur trade. In 1789 they had got word of Captain Kendrick in the "Columbia" as on the coast two years earlier, and it seemed to be the belief that this Boston ship1 somehow belonged to General Washington, and that it was worth their while to catch her; but the Columbia River was too far north for a chance conflict,2 and so nothing

came to pass to array the Americans thus early against the Spanish pretensions. Not so, however, with the British, who were now taking measures to occupy Nootka. Accordingly Martinez was sent up with a naval force to possess the place; but the complications which arose were soon settled by the convention entered into with Spain, by which this latter country relinquished her exclusive rights, though the Spaniards kept up trading relations with Nootka Sound for five years. There followed many friendly salutations with the English. The Spanish frigates "Sutil" and "Mexicana" were sent to map out the Straits of Fuca, and did so (1792) in com1 Cf. ante, II. p. 470. 3 Cf. ante, VII. p. 555

2 California, i. 445

A cut in the Century Magazine, May, 1883, p. 13. Cf. Tour du Monde, 1876, i. 113 (in connection with a translation of Hepworth Dixon's White Conquest).