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There was a Spanish journal of the siege was published in Paris in Sept., 1741. Cf. the printed at Madrid in August, 1741, of which a memorandum in Calvo's Recueil des Traités, French version, Journal du Siège de Carthagène, iv. 54.
Note TO MAP ON PAGE 293. – Reduced from a map in An Account of the Expedition to Carthagena, 2d ed. (Lond., 1743). Captajn Laws, mentioned at the top of this map, also attested, as brought over by him a similar but much larger plan, published in London, May 29, 1741, as The Harbor, rown and several forts of Carthagena in which is exhibited a perfect view of the English fleet as they anchored all along the coast in the bay near the town, and also after they moved and laid under the forts of St. Jago and St. Philipe, and at the Boca-Chica, or mouth of the harbour; likewise of the English ships as they moved in different parts in the harbor in order to lay siege to the town.
The maps illustrating the siege are numerous, as issued in anticipation or in consequence : London Magazine, April, 1740. Alcedo y Herrera's Aviso ...con las noticias del Perii, Tierra Firme, Chile y Nuevo Regno de Granada, 17.30-10 (Madrid, 1740). A Geographical Description of the coasts, harbors and sea ports of the Spanish West Indies (London, 1740); a rude plan in The Newsman's Interpreter (Manchester, Eng., 1741, second ed.). Prévost's Voyages, 1756, vol. xiii., and the Allg. Hist. der Reisen, ix., xv. Ulloa's Voyage, Tomas Lopez's Atlas geographico de la America Sept. (Madrid, 1758). Jefferys' Description of the Spanish islands (London, 1762), and in iater collections. Staat van Amerika (Amsterdam, 1766), i. 316. Carte topographique de la baye, Ville et Faubourg de Cartagene, 1741, with side plans of the several forts, by Beaurain (Paris). Another French plan, Cartagene avec ses ports et fortresses.
A German map published at “ Norimbergae ab Hermann heridibus," – Neu und verbesserter Plan des Havens von Carthagena nach dem Entwurf des Pr. Chassereau, Archt, 1740, nach Engelland gebracht.
The British Museum Catalogue of King's Maps (i. 210, 211) shows various MS. plans, dated 1739, 1741, 1743, 1767. There are early views of the town by Van der Aa and by Carolus Allard.
COLONIAL HISTORY OF SOUTH AMERICA, AND THE
WARS OF INDEPENDENCE.
BY CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C. B.
POR more than two centuries and a half the whole of South America, T except Brazil, settled down under the colonial government of Spain, and during the greater part of that time this vast territory was under the rule of the viceroys of Peru residing at Lima. The impossibility of conducting an efficient administration from such a centre, which was separated from its dependent parts by many hundreds of miles of mountains, deserts, and forests, at once became apparent. Courts of justice called Audiencias were, therefore, established in the distant provinces, and their presidents, sometimes with the title of captains-general, had charge of the executive under the orders of the viceroys. The Audiencia of Charcas (the modern Bolivia) was established in 1559. Chile was ruled by captains-general, and an Audiencia was established at Santiago in 1568. In New Grenada the president of the Audiencia, created in 1564, was also captain-general. The Audiencia of Quito, also with its president as .captain-general, dated from 1542 ; and Venezuela was under a captain-general. Buenos Ayres was ruled by a governor, who was virtually independent of the viceroy ; and Brazil was under governors during the time that Portugal was subject to Spain, from 1582 to 1640, and became a viceroyalty when the mother country regained her independence.
The colonial policy of Spain was mainly directed to the benefit of the mother country, and the colonies were looked upon as sources of revenue and profit. The first duty of the viceroy of Peru was to transmit treasure to Spain, and to force Spanish goods on the colonists. There was an absolute monopoly. No manufactured goods were allowed to be imported into the colonies except from Spanish ports ; and all industries were discouraged or prohibited which were supposed to compete, directly or indirectly, with Spanish interests. Forced labor, under humane restrictions which were systematically evaded, prevailed in so aggravated a form that the population rapidly decreased. It is true that, so long as their selfish policy was enforced, the home government displayed anxiety to promote the welfare both of the colonists and the aborigines, and the same disposition was generally shown by the great noblemen who went to Peru as viceroys. But the two things were incompatible. The viceroys governed on the principles laid down by Don Francisco de Toledo, and his rules and ordinances formed the basis of their administration. The native chiefs, called caciques, were hereditary, had certain privileges, and exercised magisterial functions over the Indians. There were also Spanish officials with the title of Protectors of the Indians. The rules for the mitta, or forced service in mines and factories, were humane, and the class of Mamaconas, or domestic servants, was declared to be free. But in practice the provisions intended for the protection of the Indians were disregarded ; and their condition was worse than that of the negro slaves who were largely imported to cultivate the estates in the coast valleys of Peru. A zealous compliance with the demand for treasure and for exclusive privileges to Spanish traders could not coexist with an enforcement of the humane rules intended for the protection of the colonists and aborigines. The viceroys were thus placed in a difficulty which was strongly felt by the more enlightened among them, but no effectual remedy was possible.
The opening of the seventeenth century found the Marquis of Salinas ruling as viceroy. When he was removed to Mexico, his successor, the Conde de Monterey, arrived at Lima in 1604, but died after a residence of little over a year, and from 1607 to 1615 the viceroyalty was filled by one of those well-intentioned noblemen who did his best to reconcile his orders from Spain with justice and Christian charity. Of course, the efforts of Don Juan de Mendoza y Luna, Marquis de Montes Claros, were fruitless; but the elaborate report which he drew up for the information of his successor shows that he endeavored to check the irregularities which rendered the law null and void. He acknowledged his own debt, and that of all succeeding viceroys, to the code of ordinances left them by Francisco de Toledo. “Indeed,” he declared, “we are all disciples of that great master; at least, I willingly confess it.” The Spaniards of the conquest desired complete mastery over the persons of the natives, and the right to buy, sell, and use them as slaves. The Tasos or ordinances of the Viceroy Toledo were intended to prevent this abuse. The tribute was fixed, while a seventh part of the able-bodied laborers of each village might be hired in turn. This was called the mitta ; and provisions were enacted to prevent these laborers from being taken more than a certain fixed distance from their homes, and to regulate their payment and treatment. The Marquis of Montes Claros further enacted, in 1609, that the mitta should not apply to coca plantations where the climate is unhealthy, or to vine and sugar estates on the coast, which were to be worked by negro labor. The Yanaconas were a class existing in the time of the Incas, who were in an exceptional position. They were domiciled in the houses of their masters, who found them in food and clothing, paid their tribute, and gave them a piece of land to cultivate in exchange for their services. But to prevent this from degenerating into slavery, a decree of 1601 ordered that they should be free to leave their masters and take service elsewhere on the same conditions. With regard to the Spanish colonists, the Marquis of Montes Claros reported that there was much noble blood among the citizens, but that there was still a licentious set of vagabonds loose over the country, and calling themselves soldiers, who formed a very dangerous class. The silver mines, to which the chief attention of the government was directed, were at Potosi, Oruro, Vilcabamba, and Castro-Vireyna ; gold was obtained from Caravaya, and quicksilver from Huancavelica.
From 1569 to 1784, a period of 215 years, the administrative divisions of Peru consisted of five bishoprics or Obispados, which were subdivided into forty-seven Corregimientos, each under a corregidor, or civil governor.
The great noblemen who filled the vice-regal office had many persons of rank in their train, and the court at Lima was often gay and brilliant. The viceroys were generally statesmen of experience, sometimes of cultivated tastes. They brought out with them very excellent copies of old masters to adorn the churches, and frequently enriched the university and convent libraries with valuable presents. The Marquis of Montes Claros was succeeded by Don Francisco de Borja y Aragon, a grandson of that famous Duke of Gandia who became third general of the Jesuits and was eventually canonized. Don Francisco was Prince of Squillace in Italy by right of his wife, and was descended from the royal house of Aragon. He was only thirty-two years of age when he entered Lima as viceroy in December, 1615. The Prince of Squillace was a poet and a scholar. Mr. Ticknor refers to his sonnets and madrigals with appreciative praise, although his more ambitious work on the Aragonese conquest of Naples was not so successful. At Lima the vice-regal poet assembled learned and accomplished men at his palace, and held discussions on literary and scientific subjects. He took interest in the encouragement of education and in expeditions of discovery, rather than in the administrative details of his government. Under his auspices a college for noble Indians, called San Borja, was founded at Cuzco, and another at Lima; and he established the first settlement on the river Marañon, beyond the Pongo de Manseriche, in 1619, which was named Borja in his honor. He also sent an expedition to survey the coasts of Tierra del Fuego in the same year, and the islets southeast of Cape Horn were named Diego Ramirez, in honor of the chief pilot. On the other hand, the Prince of Squillace was no friend to the unfortunate victims of the mitta, which was enforced in his time with illegal rigor. Over two thousand Indians were obliged to labor in the quicksilver mines of Huancavelica, fourteen hundred at the silver mine of Castro-Vireyna ; while the demand for labor was increased by the discovery of the rich silver mine of San Antonio de Squillace, near Puno. The prince ordered the war with the Araucanians in Chile to be defensive only, thus reducing the heavy drain on the finances, while he placed the fleet at Callao on an efficient footing. He so worked the mines, and the alcabala or excise duties, that he raised a revenue of 2,250,000 ducats, the expenditure being 1,200,000 ducats, thus transmitting to Spain an annual surplus of a million ducats.
Without waiting for his successor, the Prince of Squillace left the govern. ment in charge of the senior judge, and returned to Spain on the last day of 1621. He still had many years of an honored and prosperous life before him, dying at Madrid in 1659, at the age of seventy-six.
Don Diego Fernandez de Cordova, the first Marquis of Guadalcazar, was viceroy of Mexico; but the death of his German wife made him desirous of change, and he was appointed to succeed the Prince of Squillace in Peru.
He arrived at Lima in July, 1622, with his two fair daughters, and his nephew Don Luis as captain of his guard. The marquis was a very diligent administrator, and his minutes and despatches have been collected in three large manuscript volumes. He had to make provision for the Araucanian war, the repulse of piratical attacks, and the suppression of disturbances at the mines of Potosi. He adopted the policy of his predecessor as regards Chile, sending his nephew, as captain-general, to establish a strictly
*(From Hulsius, Sammlung, xvii., being the Reiss und Schiffart of Spilbergen (Franckfort am Mayn, 1620). There is a later view of the anchorage and town in Frezier's Voyages (1713). Cí. plan of Callao in Coreal's Voyage. in the Allg. Hist. der Reisen (Leipzig. 1751), vol. ix. 416; and in the Relation of the Earth:quake at Lima (London, 1748); and a later view in W. B. Stevenson's Twenty Years Residence in South America (London, 1825). – ED.]