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H the discovery of Magellan, complementing that of Balbóa, the general contour

of South America was pretty well understood; and the southern continent of America, long before the northern, took its place in the new hemisphere with something like completeness. The oldest map we have — that of La Cosa – had shown from the explorations of Columbus and his companions the northerly and northeasterly shores, in 1500,1 The same had been delineated with more or less development in the Cantino map of 1502; 2 in the Portuguese charts which Lelewel supposes to be represented in the map which he assigns to 1501-1504;3 in the Ruysch map of the Ptolemy of 1508 ; 4 in the Peter Martyr map of 1511;5 in the Sylvanus map in the Ptolemy of 1511; 6 in the “ Admiral's map,

"i and in the “Orbis typus universalis juxta,” 8 both in the Ptolemy of 1513; and in the map in Reisch's Margarita philosophica of 1515.9 The explorations upon which this knowledge was based, began with the expedition of Ojeda and Vespucius (1499), and with that of Pedro Alonzo Niño and Cristóbal Guerra (1499-1500), both on the northern coasts. 10 These were followed by the expedition of Vincente Yañez Pinzon, one of Columbus' original captains, who in the latter part of 1499 crossed the equinoctial line, and on Jan. 20, 1500 (though accounts vary a little), made Cape St. Augustine, – the first of Europeans to see that most easterly point of what was for a few years to come to be distinctively the New World.11 Pinzon's explorations in the Spanish interests were northerly from

1 See sketch, Vol. II. p. 106, and the helio- ?1 See Vol. II. p. 188. The author of the type in Vol. III. 8.

Corografia Brazilica, while admitting the voyage 2 Sketched in Vol. II. p. 108.

of Pinzon, claims that his Cape Consolation was 3 Géographie du moyen-âge, p. 43, — confes- not Cape St. Augustine, but the North Cape, unsedly made up from the two maps in the Ptol. der two degrees south latitude. Cf. Santarem, emy of 1513 as based on Portuguese knowledge Childe’s tr., p. 110, and Cesáreo Fernandez Duof ten years earlier.

ro's Colón y Pinzón. Informe relatiro á los porme+ Sketched in Vol. II. p. 115, and heliotyped nores del descubrimiento del Nuez'o mundo presenin Vol. III. p. 8.

tado á la Real academia de la historia (Madrid, 5 Fac-simile in Vol. II. p. 110.

1883). In the La Cosa map (1500) at Cape 6 Sketched on Mercator's projection in Vol. St. Augustine is this legend: “Este Cabo se II., p. 122.

descubrio en anno de mil y iiixcix por Castilla 7 Fac-simile in Vol. II. p. 112.

syendo descubridor Vicentians.” Cf. the bibli. 8 Fac-simile in Vol. II. p. III.

ography in Silva's L'Oyapoc et l'Amazone. It is 9 Fac-simile in Vol. II. p. 114.

claimed for Ojeda that he touched near Cape 10 See Vol. II. p. 187.

St. Augustine in June, 1499. Varnhagen in his VOL. VIII.


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this point." He sailed into that fresh-water sea which the Amazon spreads into the ocean, and filled his water-casks, while yet no land was in sight. He passed the Orinoco, and from the Gulf of Paria turned back and reached Spain in September.2 Between December (1499) and June (1500) Diego de Lepe added something to the knowledge of the coast from below Cape St. Augustine northward ; but precisely how much is not known.3 Meanwhile the Portuguese had established the claim under the treaty of the Line of Demarcation which makes Brazil to-day the inheritance of the House of Braganza.4 To follow up Da Gama's discoveries by the Cape of Good Hope, Emanuel of Portugal had sent a squadron under Pedro Alvarez de Cabral, who left the Tagus in March, 1500. To avoid the calms on the African coast, as is commonly alleged, though possibly stress of weather may have been the reason,5 he stretched his course so far westerly that on April 22 he struck the American coast at a point considerably south of Pinzon's landfall.

He followed the coast beyond fifteen degrees south latitude, and landing in a safe harbor, Puerto Seguro, on the third of May, called the country Terra Sancta Crucis. He sent back one of his vessels to announce his discovery, and on the 22d, steering southeasterly, proceeded to his original destination. Thus, as has frequently been said, from the time of Robertson, the New World might

MONTE PASCOAL, FROM THE SEA." have in a short time been discovered by accident, had Columbus never pursued his theory. It was customary in the days of Robertson and Raynal to claim for Cabral the discovery of Brazil, in



Examen, in reply to D'Avezac, enumerates the course, and sailed till he came within sight of proofs, as he calls them, of his belief in the dis- land.” covery of Brazil by Ojeda in June, 1499. Burton Ruysch's map of 1508 is the earliest to (Hans Stade, p. lxxix) notes various claims of name Brazil “Terra Sanctæ Crucis."

See earlier knowledge.

Vol. II. p. 115. 1 Varnhagen defended his view of the land- 7 The first land seen by Cabral was a range fall of Pinzon in his Examen (p. 19), in reply to of hills in the province of Bahia, back from the D'Avezac.

coast in the region of the savage Botocudo; and 2 Cf. Navarrete, iii. 18; Grynæus, Novus orbis, conspicuous in the prospect is a conical hill, editions of 1532 and 1555; Humboldt, Examen which is seen in the view of the coast at this critique, i. 313, and iii. 221; Galvano (Hakluyt point given in C. F. Hartt’s Geology and PhysiSociety's edition), p. 94. The “Capitulation cal Geography of Brazil (Boston, 1870), p. 226, as of Pinzon was first published from the manu- copied above. script, at Madrid, by Joaquim Caetano da Silva One of Cabral's companions, Pedro Vaz de in the appendix of his L'Oyapoc et l’Amasone, Caminha, describes the view with tolerablo Question Brésilienne et Française, Paris, 1861, 2 accuracy in a letter, dated May 1, 1500, pre'vols. This work is an historical examination of served in the Governmental archives at Lisbon. the dispute between France and Brazil as to the This letter was first printed incorrectly in the bounds of French Guiana.

Corografia Brazilica (vol. i. p. 13) of Ayres do 3 Navarrete, iii. 23, 553; Humboldt, Examen Cazal, 1817, and in 1836 was edited more corcritique, i. 314, iv. 221.

rectly by the Royal Academy of Lisbon in 4 Varnhagen's Examen de quelques points de Noticias das nacões ultramarinhas, vol. iv. no. 3. l'histoire géographique du Brésil, p. 31, with map It was translated into French in 1822. Cf. showing his own and D'Avezac's views of the Burton's Hans Stade, p. lxxvii (Hakluyt Sociportion of Brazil cut off by it.

ety's Edition), and the Art de vérifier les dates, 5 Galvano (Hakluyt Society's edition, p. 96) xiji. 441; Varnhagen's Hist. do Brasil, 2d ed., says: “Losing sight of one of his ships, he went p. 72; and references in Cat. Hist. Brazil, Bibl. to seek her, and in seeking of her, lost his Nac., i 478–479.

disregard of the priority of Pinzon, now generally recognized, though certain Portuguese writers have been loath to acknowledge the Spanish claim.1

In 1501, on the report brought by Cabral's messenger ship, the Portuguese sent out an expedition under Gonçalo Coelho to follow up the discoveries ; and in this expedition Vespucius may have sailed in some subordinate capacity, as cosmographer even, as is


1 Cf. Santarem in the Bulletin de la Société 1561, completing the work, which is rare in a de Géographie de Paris (1847), vii. 319, and his full set. An entire reprint appeared at Lisbon enumeration writers who accord priority to in 1833 in seven volumes. Cabral (Childe's translation of Santarem, p. 33, Of the first book a French version appcared etc.). Cf. various illustrative and controversial at Paris in 1553, and a Spanish at Antwerp in works, etc., enumerated in Cat. Hist. Brazil, Bibl. 1554 (Murphy, no. 494; Court, nos. 53, 54). Nac., i. 479; also Ferd. Denis' Une fête Brésilienne, Two books appeared in Italian at Venice in p. 51. Cabral's instructions are printed in 1577 (Carter-Brown, i. 311). German transNavarrete's Coleccion, iii. 45, 94, and they are lation was made from the French in 1565. found in Italian in the Paesi novamente retrovate, An English version of the first book, made by

His track is pricked in the mappemonde Nicholas Lichefield, and dedicated to Sir Francis prefixed to Lafitau's Histoire des découvertes des Drake, appeared in London in 1582, and was Portugais (Paris, 1734). A letter of the Portu- reprinted in Kerr's Voyages, ii. 292. guese King, dated July 29, 1500, conveying tid- Castanheda was largely drawn upon by H. ings received from Cabral's messenger, Gaspar Osorius in his De rebus Emmanuelis (Cologne, de Lemos, and addressed to the Spanish mon- 1581), which took a French version as Histoire de arch, - Copia de una littera del Re de Portagallo Portugal the same year, and in Dutch was called mādata al Re de Castrella del viaggio e successo de Lezen en bedrijf van Don Emanuel, koning van India,

,— was printed in Rome, Oct. 23, 1500, Portugal, Rotterdam, 1661-1663 (Sabin, vol. and again in Milan in 1505. Navarrete (vol. iii. xiv. no. 57,804; Carter-Brown, i. 342 ; Muller, p. 13) reprints it. There are copies in the Bib- 1872, no. 1,160). There was an English book liotheca Marciana and Bibliotheca Corsini at of about the same time covering nearly the same Venice (Sabin, vol. vi. no. 22,407; Varnhagen, field, John Dauncey's Compendious Chronicle of Nouvelles recherches, p. 18; Bibl. Amer. Vet., Addi- Portugal, London, 1661 (Sabin, vol. v. no. 18,609; tions, nos. 18, 19; Dr. Court's Catalogue, no. 83). Bohn's Lowndes, p. 594). Cf. further on this voyage,

- Faria de Souza, The best known record, however, of the Por. Asia Portugueza, book i. chap. 5; De Cazal, tuguese maritime explorations was published Corografia Brazilica, i. 12; Barros, Decada da in Paris in 1733 (two imprints), and again in Asia (Lisbon, 1628), vol. i. chap. 30; Humboldt, 1733-1734. This was J. F. Lafitau's Histoire des Examen critique, i. 315, ii. 217, iv. 223, v. 53, 61, découvertes et conquestes des Portugais dans le nou71; Zurita, Anales de Aragon, vol. v.; Cancellieri, veau monde. The title is deceptive, for the book Notizie di Colombo, p. 48; Purchas, vol. i. book concerns mostly Asia and Africa; and the Amer. ii. p. 30; Badelli, Alilione, vol. i. p. liv; Ruge, ican portion is but a small part of its four vol. Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, p. 128. umes, and none of its engravings pertain to the The accounts in Ramusio and Grynæus were western hemisphere. A Portuguese version was translated into Spanish in the Noticias das nacãos printed at Lisbon in 1786-1787 (Sabin, vol. x. ultramarinhas (vol. ii.) of the Royal Academy no. 38,591, etc.; Carter-Brown, iii. 506-508; of Lisbon. We know that Las Casas, in 1502, Leclerc, nos. 319-320, — 1601-1602). There is had possession of some notes by Columbus of a recent contribution to the subject in a lithothe traces of lands to the west, which he had graphed volume, E. A. de Bettencourt's Descobrifound in the accounts of Portuguese navigators mentos, guerras e conquistas dos Portugueus em (Examen critique, i. 21); but the earliest partic terras do ultramar nos seculos XV. e XVI. ularized extant account of the Portuguese dis- (Lisboa, 1881–1882). General histories of discoveries in the new regions cast and west is covery, like Ruge's Geschichte des Zeitalters der contained in the Historia do descobrimento by Entdeckungen, and Varnhagen's Historia do BraFerñao Lopez de Castanheda, the first part of zil, necessarily treat the subject more or less which was printed at Coimbra in 1551. It is, concisely. Cf. Luciano Cordeiro, “ La part prise however, scant on the American voyages of the par les Portugais dans la découverte de l'AméPortuguese (Sabin, vol. iii. no. 11,381, who also rique," published in the Compte-rendu of the gives the later editions; Bibliotheca Grenvilliana). Congrès des Américanistes, 1875, i. 274. SanThere seems to have been a reprint the same tarem passes in review most of the writers in year, and a second edition in 1554, which was discussing the claims of Vespucius to having reprinted at Lisbon in 1797. Books ii. to vii. been on the coast in 1501 and 1503. See Vol appeared in 1552-1554, and the eighth book in II., chapter on “Vespucius.”

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said.1 Galvano places its track along the coast from the fifth degree to the thirty-second degree south. Varnhagen traces the nomenclature of the Brazilian coast, as we have it in the early maps, to this voyage of Gonçalo Coelho in 1501. On the return of Coelho, another feet, commanded by Christovão Jaques, pushed the discoveries as far as the cape forming the northerly entrance of Magellan's Straits. Jaques on this expedition put into the bay“ Bahia de Todos os Sanctos ” (San Salvador). This was in 1503;

and in the same year Coelho led another expedition, sailing from Lisbon on the

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1 See chapter ii. of the second volume.

2 Lorenz Friess' sketch of the coast of Brazil in his Carta marina navigatoria Portugalensium, apparently, as Dr. Kohl thinks, drawn from the reports of Ca. bral and the other early navigators of 1500-1503. A legend in the north reads: “A dying person is killed in this country; his flesh smoked, roasted, and eaten.” At the south another legend says: “They have sailed all along this coast, but have not as yet penetrated into the interior." Koh) thinks the “ Abbatia” is a misreading of the Portuguese “ a baia." It is claimed that Vespucius had written, mixing Spanish and Italian, “Bahia di tutti i sancti," but had made the first word, by his bad penmanship, “ Badia.” The Cartu was published in 1530, and this map is no. 423 in Kohl's Col. lection.

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