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Toth of June. The squadron of Alfonzo de Albuquerque, bound beyond the Cape of Good Hope, skirted the coast as Cabral had done, and cast anchor in one of the harbors, -as did the fleet of Francisco de Almeida two years later, and that of Tristam da Cunha in 1506.
The French claim even earlier visits. The pretended voyage of Jean Cousin has been mentioned elsewhere; and when Las Casas mentions that the first discoverers of Hispaniola learned from the natives of earlier visits of white and bearded men, it has been very easy for the Norman antiquaries to connect this story with the alleged Cousin voyage of 1488. They grant, however, the lack of indubitable proof, but contend for the hardy Normans being on the Brazilian coast without doubt as early as 1497 and 1498, on the following evidence. Gonneville, in 1505, in describing his own voyage of 1503, speaks of his countrymen having preceded him some years (“aucunes années "); and Jean Parmentier's “ Discorso d' un gran capitano” in Ramusio ? is thought to indicate, in another way, a similarly early French traffic on the same coast.3
We come to less disputable ground for the French in 1503 in considering Paulmier de Gonneville's own voyage. He sailed from Honfleur in the latter part of that year, and found land Jan. 5, 1504, and shortly after harbored his vessel in the Rio San Francisco do Sul, under 26° 10' south latitude. At least this is the port of refuge which is fixed for him by D'Avezac in his Campagne du navire l’Espoir de Honfleur, published in the Annales des voyages, June and July, 1869. This view is also entertained by Gravier in his Les Normands sur la route des Indes, and by Paul Gaffarel in his Brésil Français. 4 The French have scarcely admitted any question about this voyage since D'Avezac examined the evidence. It is claimed also that another Honfleur captain, Jean Denis, accompanied by a Rouen pilot, Gamart, was on the coast at the same moment with De Gonneville.5
The geographical problem which was given to all these early navigators to solve was, the extent of this new Santa Cruz coast southerly; and the anticipatory suspicion
i Vol. II. p. 34; also Vitet, Histoire de defective copy of the Relation which was printed Dieppe, and extracts in Dussieux, Grands faits de in 1663. In 1847 Margry found in the Archives l'histoire de la géographie, iii. 37.
“la copie entière du procès-verbal de retour du 2 Cf. Vitet, Histoire de Dieppe, and Dussieux, 19 Juillet, 1505,” which enabled him to deterGrands faits de l'histoire de la géographie, iii. 65.
mine that the landfall of De Gonneville was not 3 Gaffarel in Congrès des Américanistes, 1877, in the Indian Ocean, but on the coast of Brazil i. 419; and Gravier, Les Normands sur la route (Margry, Les navigations Françaises, p. 156). des Indes, p.41 ; D'Avezac, Nouvelles annales des Later Paul Lecroix discovered, among the voyages (July, 1869). Popellinière, another Nor- manuscripts of the Marquis de Paulmy, the man, insisted on the French discovery in his original Déclaration du voyage du Capitaine GonTrois mondes (1583).
neville et ses compagnons ès Indes, a copy of 4 Histoire du Brésil Français au seizième siècle which he communicated to D'Avezac, who com(Paris, 1878), p. 30 (Leclerc, no. 2,770); cf. pleted the demonstration (Gaffarel, Congrès also Gaffarel on the Découverte du Brésil in the des Américanistes, 1877, i. 430; see also DusCompte-rendu, Congrès des Américanistes, 1877 sieux, Grands faits de l'histoire de la géographie (vol. i. pp. 397, 426), which later became the ii. 54). first part of the Histoire. When the Abbé Binot 6 Gaffarel, in his Brésil Français, p. 54, has Paulmier de Gonneville first published in his traced the influence that the two Angos, father Mémoire présenté au Pape Alexandre VII., Paris, and son, enterprising ship-owners of Dieppe, at 1663 (Court, nos. 267, 268), the account of his this time exerted through such voyages as this ancestor's voyage, from whom he was descended one of Jean Denis, in disputing the claims of the through an alliance, it is said, of the old navi. Portuguese and in establishing relations of trade gator's daughter with one of the natives of the between France and this part of the New World. country, it was supposed or claimed that the The coast most frequented by the French was land visited in 1503 was Madagascar (cf. Gaffa- between Cape St. Augustine and Port Royal. rel, Congrès des Américanistes, 1877, i. 427, and Cf. Gosselin's Marine Normande (documents), references there cited), - a view held so lately p. 21; Desmarquets, Mémoires de Dieppe; also as 1860 (August 15) by Baude in the Revue des extracted in Dussieux' Grands faits de l'histoire Deux Mondes. The error arose in part from the de la géographie, iii. 32.
naturally rife was, that it would be found to have an apex toward the South Pole, -as Africa had.
An examination has been made in another chapter 1 of the service in this direction which is claimed for Vespucius in the voyages of 1501 and 1503. In 1520 Albertus Pighius published at Paris his De æquinoctiorum solstitiorüque inventione, in which he spoke of Vespucius' discoveries, down to the latitude of 35° south, along a coast which for its magnitude is called the New World, and “the end is not yet found.” 2 Humboldt 8 found proof in the Ptolemy of 1508 that the Portuguese had up to that year explored to the fiftieth degree of south latitude, but " without reaching its southern extremity,” - as the legend on Ruysch's map says.
In that and the following year (1508-1509) Vicente Yañez Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis had coasted the shore of Brazil from Cape St. Augustine to the fortieth degree south, but had failed to find the La Plata. Herrera * represents them as going below to the River Colorado. Jealousy and distrust existed between the commanders, and their ships returned to Spain near the end of 1509.
The discovery of Balboa in 1513, and the experience of the Portuguese in rounding the southern point of Africa, naturally prompted the belief that by the south of Brazil, as the continental mass of South America was now called, a similar southern cape
would show a passage to the great southern sea, of which Balboa had found the supposed northern limits, on the theory that North America was continuous with Asia. Ferdinand Columbus already in 1511, in a manuscript treatise which is preserved to us, his Colon de concordia, had maintained the possibility of such a passage.
In November, 1514, Pedrarias Dávilla and Juan Diaz de Solis had been commissioned to find this western passage ;? and sailing in October, 1515, Solis found the La Plata 8 in the following January, and in exploring it in boats from his ships he and his companions were captured, roasted, and eaten within sight of their shipmates.
It is a question which geographers and historians discuss with uncertain results whether, antecedent to Magellan, anybody had actually found a limit to South America toward the Antarctic Pole.' We have the report which Sebastian Alvarez made from
1 See Vol. II. p. 151.
7 Navarrete, iii. 48, 134, 357 ; Lelewel, ii. 2 “Necdum finis inventus," Examen crie 164; Humboldt, Examen critique, i. 320, 350; tique, iv. 145; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 107.
ii. 19; Galvano, Hakluyt Society's edition, p. 122. 3 Examen critique, ii. 5, 9.
Wieser thinks (p. 57) that we have in the map 4 Edition of 1739, vol. i. p. 177.
given by Kunstmann (Atlas, pl. iv.) a Portuguese 5 Wieser finds the name Brazil, as applied copy of the map which Solis prepared at this to Cabral's Sancta Cruz, in use ever after 1504, time of the way to India. citing as the earliest instance the
8 The name La Plata was not given to the de Prisilli” of the Beschreibung der Meerfahrt river till 1527, when some silver plates found von Lissabon nach Calacut of that year, pub- there in the hands of the natives suggested it. lished in the Jahresberichte of the “Kreis. Cf. Pedro de Angelis, Coleccion de obras y docuverein für Schwaben und Neuberg" (Augsburg, mentos relativos á la historia antigua y moderna 1861), p. 160; as well as Giovanni da Empoli's de las provincias del Rio de la Plata. Ilustrados use of the term “la terra della Vera Croce, over con notas y disertaciones. Buenos-Aires, 1836, del Bresil,” in Ramusio (Venice, 1563), vol. i. 1837. folio 145. Cf. Humboldt, Kritische Untersuch. 9 The latest discussions of the question of ungen, iii. 99. Humboldt pointed out how some knowledge antecedent to Magellan of this form of the word Brazil had been in use in southern limit of South America and its straits Europe for centuries, to designate a red dye. have been by Dr. Kohl in his Geschichte der wood, and it was only newly applied in the Entdeckungsreisen und Schiff-fahrten zur Mapresent case. Cf. Gaffarel, Congrès des Améric gellan's-Strasse (Berlin, 1877), taken from the canistes, 1877, i. 422, and notes to his edition of Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde in Ber. Thevet, p. 307, and De Lery, ii. 183; Hartt's lin, vol. xl. ; by Dr. F. Wieser in his MagalhãesGeology of Brazil, vol. i. p. x; E. E. Hale in Strasse und Austral-Continent auf den Globen des Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., April, 1867.
Johannes Schöner. Beiträge zur Geschichte der 6 Harrisse, Ferd. Colomb, pp. 10, 52.
Erdkunde im xvi. Jahrhundert (Innsbruck,
Seville, July 18, 1519, to the King of Portugal as to the cartographical equipment with which Magellan was said to be supplied ; and these charts showed no land between Cape
Frio on the Brazilian coast and the Moluccas. It was stated that the maps were such as Diego Ribero made for his living This would seem to indicate a type of map, represented by the Ptolemy of 1513 and the Reisch of 1515,2 in which South
America ends abCAPE FRIO.3
ruptly at about forty degrees south, with
an unknown coast beyond, but supposably running to the west on a parallel of latitude. Peschel · points out how maps antecedent to Magellan end with the Cabo de Sta. Maria (near Montevideo, thirty miles east of the mouth of the La Plata), and refers to the Maiollo map of 1519 and the Portuguese chart.5
There seems to be little doubt that Magellan, as Pigafetta says, had seen in the royal palace at Lisbon a chart of Martin Behaim which represented South America to end in a point; but it by no means follows that Behaim or any other navigator had ever found that point, for conjecture was rife in Europe at this time, and a passage by the south was not the only passage that now and for some years to come map-makers were to put upon their charts without warrant in fact. There is an interval between 1494 and his death in 1506 or 1507 when Behaim could have made such a voyage of discovery; but we have no record of it, nor is it probable.
Las Casas? also reports that he saw Magellan in the antechamber of Fonseca ; that Magellan showed him a globe in which the coast of South America was extended to the Cabo de Sta. Maria, and said to him that he expected to find a passage still farther south.
Either from conjecture or inference from analogy, if not from knowledge, it is certain that there had been made sundry delineations of South America during the eight or ten years previous to the sailing of Magellan which did not treat the problem with the same uncertainty. If we except the Stobnicza map,s which hesitated to define this southern 1881); also put forth in effect in the Mittheil. In later days Behaim's anticipatory discovery ungen der geographischen Gesellschaft in Wien, in has been contended for by Ghillany in his Mar1881 ; and by Ruge in his Zeitalter der Ent- tin Behaim and by Ziegler in his Martin Behaim deckungen, 1883.
aus Nürnberg, der geistige Entdecker America's 1 Stanley's Magellan, p. xliv.
(Dresden, 1859). The recent doubters have been 2 See Vol. II. pp. III, 114.
Oscar Peschel, both in his Geschichte des Zeit3 This follows a sketch given in Hartt’s alters der Entdeckungen and in his Geschichte der Geology and Geography of Brazil, p. 39. Cape Erdkunde ; and writers like Humboldt, VarnFrio is where the coast turns westerly just north hagen, Lelewel, and Kohl have either ignored of Rio de Janeiro.
the claim of Behaim, or have considered merely 4 Erdkunde, p. 275.
as speculative any configuration of such a strait 5 Kunstmann, pl. iv. and v.
which he may have made. 6 Among the earlier believers in the pre- 7 Historia, lib. iii. cap. 100. discovery of Behaim are Wilhelm Postel, 8 Fac-simile in Vol. II p. 116. Wieser (Magal. Compendium geographicæ discipline (1561); B. håes-Strasse, p. II) considers the Stobnicza map Varenius, Geographia generalis (Amsterdam, as only a rough copy of the “Tabula Terræ 1671). Cf. Humboldt, kritische Untersuchungen, Novæ" (1507) of the Ptolemy of 1513, as given i. 296, and Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet. p. 38. in Vol. II. p. 112.
extremity, what is perhaps the earliest of these representations, the Lenox globe," has curiously something like the actual fling of the southern end of the continent toward the east, as we now know to be the fact, but which for a hundred years to come was not again to be given so well. One is prompted to associate this appearance with the Dragon's Tail of the map which Galvano a mentions as brought back from Italy to Portugal by Don Pedro, the King's eldest son, in the early part of the fifteenth century.3 Of not far from the same date is the drawing in the Queen's collection at Windsor, which, from Major's description, is usually cited as the Da Vinci map. It gives us an insular “ America,” and puts down Cape Frio as very near the southern extremity. 4
The authority of both the Lenox and Da Vinci representations is anonymous; but in 1515 we come to the delineation of a well-known cosmographer, Schöner, and in his globe of that year, of which the Frankfort globe is said to be a duplicate, an absolute southern limit to the continent is given ; but it is put too far north, offering a suspicion that the passage through the continent may have been a misconception of some more northerly inlet, as Wieser suggests. A sketch of this globe from Wieser's drawing is given on an earlier page, with a note on the authorities. Of its congener, the Frankfort globe, as Wieser considers it, there is a sketch in Jomard and in Kohl's treatise on Magellan's Straits, which shows how nearly alike the two are, though Kohl and others have placed the Frankfort globe under 1520. On the northern shore of South America the discoveries are credited, in legends upon it, to navigators sailing under orders from the King of Spain, while the southeastern coast is said to have been discovered by explorers of the King of Portugal. Another sketch (annexed) from Ruge's Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen (p. 461) shows a part of the 1515 Schöner globe in its relations to the correct .outline of South America, according to modern maps. Schöner might well have used the “ Admiral's map;
16 but as he has additional names, it is an interesting inquiry what other source availed him. There is preserved in a notebook of Schöner's, in the Hofbibliothek at Vienna, a sketch of a world-map which seems
1 Of about 1510–1512; see sketch in Vol. II. of it that “ though small in bulk, it containpp. 123, 170.
eth so much rare and profitable matter that 2 One of the earliest to treat the narratives I know not where to seek the like, within so of navigators in an historical spirit was a Portu- narrow and straight a compass.” The original guese, Antonio Galvano. He was born in Lisbon 1563 edition seems to have been rare even then, in 1503, and at an early age (in 1527) he had for Hakluyt had sent in vain for it to Lisbon, been intrusted with an important command in to correct an English version which had come the Moluccas, where for several years he ruled into his hands before printing it. The Haktoo rigorously and wisely to escape detraction. Tuyt Society reprinted this English version in This active career fitted him to judge broadly 1862, and appended to it the original Portuguese of the pursuits of explorers; and being indus- text, using the Carter-Brown copy, — the whole trious by habit, Galvano gathered much material edited by Admiral Bethune. This version was from reading and observation, and in his later reprinted in the later edition of Hakluyt's Coldays, while official employment had been taken lection and in that of Churchill. It is abridged from him, he fashioned his notes into a treatise in Purchas. The original Portuguese text was on the history of discovery. Galvano died in a reprinted at Lisbon in 1731 (Carter-Brown, iii. Lisbon hospital in 1557, but he had brought his 469; Murphy, no. 1,003). chronicle down to 1550. He left the manuscript 3 Galvano, Hakluyt Society's edition, p. 67. to a friend, Francisco de Souza, who published “The Streight of Magelan was called in it it at Lisbon in 1563 as Tratado dos diversos & the Dragon's taile.” One remembers that an desuayrados caminhos ... & assi de todos os des- aperture in the coast-line at the northern end cobrimentos antigos & modernos. The book is of the continent had already been called “the extremely rare; three copies are known, one dragon's mouth.” When Galvano wrote his of which is in the Carter-Brown Library (Cata- treatise he spoke of Magellan's voyage as not logue, i. 241). Richard Hakluyt published at that time having been “exactly written.” it at London in foi as The Discoveries of 4 This map is sketched in Vol. II. pp. 124, the World from their first Originall unto the 125, 126. year of our Lord 1555 (Carter-Brown, ii. 5 See Vol. II. p. 118. 1.; Murphy, no. 1,005). The translator says 6 See Vol. II. p. 112.
to have been based on the map of 1513 in Ptolemy.? He might, of course, have used the information of the Paesi novamente retrovati (1507); but as his Latin is not that of the version called Itinerarium portugallensium, it is most probable that he knew its text in the German of Ruchamer, with whom, it would seem, he stood indeed in certain personal relations. Some points he doubtless got from Ruysch ; but from neither of these, nor from Stobnicza, could he have got the straits at Panamá, which at a time not far from this was made to appear in the Lenox globe and in two globes of the Hauslab Collection at Vienna. 3
In his Luculentissima quædam terræ totius descriptio, Schöner had distinctly averred that the Portuguese had found a passage separating the New World from the “ Brasiliæ regio.” It is not easy to determine how far this belief grew out of a certain undated
1 Cf. Wieser, p. 15.
Waldseemüller in 1509; the other, a manuscript 2 Wieser traces this out, pp. 17, 18.
delineation, should be dated about 1513. 8 Varnhagen in his Schöner e Apiano argues Wieser (Magalhåes-Strasse, p. 27) thinks these that of these two early globes in the Hauslab dates problematical. Collection, - one, engraved, was the work of