of the most eminent jurists in this State, a member of the last Constitutional Convention, has stated that for twenty years he has seldom cast an intelligent vote for a local officer. The result is, that the machinery of our local elections falls into the hands of a few men who make politics a business, while the electors go to the polls and vote for the candidates of this or that party, with no knowledge or trustworthy information of the character or qualifications of the individuals for whom they vote. The general public take less interest in the elections, and the practical consequence is the same, as regards the expenditure of the city and county funds, no matter what political party may succeed. On the other hand, where the elections are few and the appointments many, more general interest is taken in politics and more attention paid to the selection of candidates for office; for the candidates being few and for important offices having many appointments, the elector is more likely to inform himself as to the character and qualifications of the men offered to his choice. By multiplying the number of elective officers, we do not, as is supposed, increase the real responsibility to the people, but, on the contrary, we decrease it. The people do not feel the keen responsibility for a bad official elected by themselves that is felt by the one man who is solely responsible for such an appointment, for each clector divides his responsibility among several thousand others.

If it be true that good government is more effectually attained by extending this imaginary responsibility caused by the frequent use of the ballot box, it follows that the best government will be realized by making every officer, clerk and policeman elective, which, although it may appear to be absolute responsibility to the people, would in fact put an end to good government.

As regards the general plan of the State Government, which alone. embraces the power of the whole people, there is no reason why it should not be moulded in some measure after that of the National Union, giving to the Governor the power of appointing subject to confirmation by the Senate, all strictly executive or judicial officers. And no argument presents itself why this power to appoint should cease in the case of the chief executive officers of great cities.

The city of New York is the most important division of the whole State. The commercial, financial, social and moral relations exist

ing between the people thereof and of other portions of the State are too intimate and well known to require special reference in this letter. Suffice it to say, that this city is in fact the heart not only of our State but of the whole nation. Art, science, education, religion, all have their great centres here, and therefore the people of our State cannot, without great danger to themselves, give over the entire government of this Metropolis to the hands of those irresponsible masses among us who control the ballot box.

Again, there are some officers which, by reason of their nature, should be independent of direct popular control; and especially is this the case in large cities, such as New York. Among such officers are those which have the control of the police, the public health, the protection of property, and the construction and maintenance of such public works or improvements which, although local in fact, are national in character and effect.

The people of the State have many interests in this city which it is their right and duty to protect.

It was in consequence of the danger caused by the bread riots, to the millions of dollars' worth of breadstuff in this city owned by the farmers throughout the State, that the law was passed making counties liable for the destruction of property by rioters.

The association holds that it would be dangerous in the extreme to trust the above great interests to the mayor, who, while his office is elective, is so completely in the hands of those who control large masses of votes.

To give the mayor this power is to practically hand the matter over to the following elements of our population: A law exists prohibiting the sale of intoxicating liquors on Sundays, in the city of New York. Sunday was the most profitable day for the saloon and bar keepers. It was notorious that every Sunday, in every drinking shop, this law was openly violated. No prosecutions were instituted against the offenders, because they were influential in controlling the votes of their ward or district. They were the whippers-in of their party. Not only were the suffrages of the landlords and barkeepers thus obtained, but those of the thousands of unfortunate persons whose score was chalked up in the saloon, and cancelled by voting for the favorite candidate. There were ten thousand drinking shops

in this city; if each furnished but two voters, here were twenty thousand votes controlled simply by the intentional neglect to enforce a simple law.

The keepers of junk shops can be controlled by granting licenses to them in the first instance; and, in the second, by refraining from revoking those licenses when stolen goods, bought from thieves, are found in their possession.

The keepers of second-hand clothes shops can be controlled in like

manner.

So with the keepers of stands upon public streets, held "during the pleasure of the common council."

So with the store keepers, who are permitted, on the like terms, to extend projecting signs, show-cases and advertising devices into the thoroughfares, and to incumber the sidewalks.

So with the keepers of stands in the markets.

So with the persons suffered to incumber the piers and wharves.

So with the keepers and frequenters of gambling houses, for the suppression of which strong laws are now in existence.

So with the keepers of brothels.

So with the keepers of dance-houses.

So with the keepers and patrons of concert saloons.

So with the keepers of lottery shops.

All of these can be controlled without the expenditure of a dollar. They yield an aggregate of many thousand votes.

The foreign vote in this city is 80,000; the native vote, 52,000.

By the police returns for 1866, it appears that there were 55,528 males arrested for crime during the year, of whom 45,000 were old enough to vote. In addition to the above we have several other classes that can be controlled in the same way, making altogether a phalanx of over 60,000 strong always marching solid to the ballot

box.

We are not to be understood as saying that the present mayor of our city would hesitate to appoint good men to office were he entirely independent of the local politicians, or in such case would hesitate to enforce the laws upon the statute books.

It is well known that the present mayor was not the first choice of the leaders of his party, but was put forward because the extraordinary concurrence of events forced them to place before the people the man who would most probably reserve to them the control in municipal affairs. It is in no way hazardous to state that, if the enforcement of the excise law were in the hands of the present mayor or of his subordinates, and he or they should enforce the law, it would be an impossibility for him to receive a renomination from his party, or, if so renominated, to be elected. So powerful a pressure can the liquor interest and other similar interests bring to bear in the nomination of candidates for office in this city, and so. important a part do they play in the elections, that it would be an impossibility for a person to be nominated by the dominant party for the mayoralty, who would not let it be understood that he would, if elected, be lax in the enforcement of this and of other wholesome laws.

Those interests which require to be kept under strict police surveillance, act together in local politics, and exert an influence and power in the elections that cannot be withstood their wishes are paramount, and their judgments irrevocable:

In fact, the nominations of the political parties in this city are almost exclusively controlled by the thousands of dram shops infesting every locality.

To give the mayor of the city of New York direct power over the police, the health and excise boards, the fire department and the Central Park, is to hand over these matters to the ultimate control of the classes who make and unmake the mayor according as he is their tool or not.

It is not safe to place the execution of the laws in the hands of the classes themselves against which they are to be enforced.

It is for this reason that many of the laws upon the statute book have become a dead letter. The burden of the complaints of the

present mayor in his messages to the common council, and also of the city officials, is, that the greater portion of the money raised by tax is spent by what they call "irresponsible commissions."

To analyze this subject, let us take up the tax levy of the year 1866, as presented in the mayor's message of January 7th, 1867. The tax levy for 1866 is there stated at $16,950,767.88, to this, however, must be added the city and county revenues applicable to the support of the government, amounting to $1,878,215.84, making a total for city and county purposes, $18,828,983.72. The mayor divides these sums as follows:

Let us see what portion of this was under the control of boards or commissions irresponsible to the people and the offices of the local government.

1st. Board of Commissioners of Central park, $339,779.93. The members of this board are independent of the local government.

The amount spent in 1866 for the maintenance of the park was $233,511.35.

It is unnecessary to enter into any commendation of the work of the Commissioners of the Central Park, or of the manner in which it has been performed. This work speaks for itself. Our people are well satisfied with its management, and would feel that their interests would be sadly neglected if it should be handed over to the control of the local politicians.

The economy and efficiency with which the Central Park funds have been managed should cause the Convention to hesitate to do aught that would tend to take the work from the hands of the present commission, composed as it is of men of honesty, capacity and integrity.