permit the alienation of a property so sacred, against the will of its owner, and encouraging the aggressors with moral force, which Lord Palmerston has done by the recognition of their independence, is to attack every principle of justice and international right, and will be a most ominous precedent for the new world.

"In consequence, the Mexican government, firm in the justice of its cause, and resolved to preserve the integrity of its territory, will commit to force the execution of the national will, whose energy is daily displayed in the resources voluntarily proffered by all the citizens, and in the progressive amelioration of the revenues of the state; and the English people will render justice to Mexico when it is seen that the anomalous conduct of the British ministry does not prevent her from fulfilling the obligations which she has contracted, and will see besides that the Mexican nation knows how to distinguish between the British people and the government."

The last paragraph of this protest is by no means complimentary to Lord Palmerston. Although true, it is nevertheless sincerely to be hoped that the House of Commons will, in some way, acknowledge the friendly feeling of the Mexican nation towards their constituents, and that they will devise some measures to secure the continuance of the friendly disposition of Mexico towards Great Britain.

Finally, Texas, in the exercise of her nominal and would-be de facto independence, has strained every point to obtain a loan of 5,000,000 dollars from England. Having failed in London, Holland was tried, with no better success; and recently General Hamilton has modestly asked but for 2,000,000 dollars. In what manner it is intended to apply this money, will be the subject of another chapter, while I

will venture to offer a word of advice to capitalists on this subject, which is, first to inquire (not as regards Texas only, but every other country) into the nature and extent of the natural and artificial resources of the country that makes such an attempt and secondly, into the means possessed or proposed for their development before they advance their money, which has already found its way across the Atlantic much quicker than it will find its way back.

This remark, though applied to North America generally, may be more strictly applied to Texas, where the spontaneous resources, and indeed the soil itself, which, liberally offered to British capitalists as a security for money, and for sale to others, at 15s. per acre, is still in the possession of the native Indians. The successful development of its agricultural capabilities for the cultivation of cotton, sugar, indigo, coffee, tobacco, rice, &c., must depend on Negro labour, which I think the reader will be convinced, on reading the subsequent chapters, Texas will not be able much longer to obtain. These are facts, which, if overlooked by capitalists, they must inevitably lose every shilling they advance to Texas; and surely it is to be hoped that the hard-earned millions of England will not again be advanced on the mere recommendation of our North American bubble-mongers, or European revolutionists and political demagogues. The evils of so doing are at this moment ripe, and their

baneful tendency too generally felt, to need any further comment on the subject.

The geographical position of Texas has, more than once, been alluded to by the Texan advocates as presenting innumerable advantages to capitalists, and to the governments of Europe, who may be anxious to work a fiscal revolution in Mexico and the United States; but without descanting on the moral turpitude of such an object, it cannot be denied that the millions which have been lent to both those countries were advanced for the express purpose of their internal improvement, thereby promoting their external resources, so as best to secure their own prosperity, and yield the return sought by their creditors. The policy of both these countries seems to be that of keeping up prohibitory duties!

Mexico, when she had shaken off the yoke of the mother country, found a mercantile polity exclusive in favour of Spain calculated to confine to her all commerce, and had to open her ports to foreign nations, under a system becoming her as an independent nation. She was filled, some thirty years ago, with a population of which two-thirds were demi-civilized Indians, who were almost the only labourers and cultivators of the soil, not living on the produce of the chase, like the Indians of North America. These Indians, though industrious, could not afford to clothe themselves and families, owing to the price of

goods, on which duties were levied to the amount of 200 or 300 per cent. on prime cost. These high duties have more or less been continued to defray the increased expenses of the war of independence. Hence, then, Mexico, in all her revolutions, could never attempt to adequately lower her tariff; but hopes are now entertained of a great reduction whereby all classes will be able to clothe themselves, and the revenue will be vastly increased. The United States, with her manufactures in their infancy, has pursued a similar system, and been compelled to forego the entire development of her agricultural resources, for the extension and general improvement of her manufactures: and if any political economist, or person of common sense, can be led to believe that Texas either can, or will be suffered to become so formidable to the United States and Mexico, and to the British merchant in both cases, as by admitting goods, duty free, to destroy the fiscal regulations of those countries, I lament exceedingly that I cannot, on taking an unbiassed view of the question, bring forward one point on which they can ground such a vain hope: on the contrary, it is by no means doubtful, that, as soon as the United States finds, which she must ere long, that Texas pretends first to ruin her manufactures, and then to become her most formidable rival in agriculture, she will take up such a position towards Texas as will convince her of the weakness of her

real geographical position, and that it would be much easier to carry on a war across the Sabine than across the Rio Grande.

But the policy of the Texans is, and must be, war, so long as Mexico remains unsubdued, and until the last of the Native Indian tribes are exterminated. Finding themselves without the least probability of reconciling the former, and having failed in the execution of all their plans for the speedy completion of the latter, they took a part in Canales' revolutionary schemes for the dismemberment of Mexico.

In the summer of 1839 Canales attempted, without money or arms, to raise the long-fallen standard of federalism. Having witnessed the success of the Texan rebellion, he was induced to believe that Tamaulipus, his native state, was just as much entitled to be declared an independent republic as Texas. He therefore collected a force of about 700 men, who first declared the states of Tamaulipus, Coahuila, and Durango, an independent republic, under the title of the Republic of Rio Grande, and then elected Canales president. Immediately after his election Canales marched at the head of his followers to Laredo, a small town on the Rio Grande, where the insurgents remained to the month of April, 1840, when they were attacked and defeated by General Arista, who commanded a strong detachment of the centralist troops. Canales, and a few of his followers, made good their