ous observations upon the state of matters that in order to secure the great ends of in America, we do not mean to dwell upon government, it is indispensable that the the peculiar political institutions of that people, whose welfare it should be the chief country, and the effects of these institutions object to promote, should have themselves upon the character and condition of its in- a very decided and efficient control over the habitants, because a discussion of this sub-regulation of their national affairs. When ject would require a much more full and we consider the extent to which the republengthened investigation of the existing lican principle is carried in the constitution condition of things, with its remote and of the United States, when we recollect proximate causes, than we have had an op- that there almost every man has an equal portunity of making, and because any op- vote in the regulation of national affairs, we portunity we have had of judging upon this are more disposed to wonder that the counsubject, has tended to confirm our faith in try should be so well governed as it is, that the general truth and soundness of the the laws should be so good, and upon the speculations of De Tocqueville, in his very whole so well executed, than that there able work upon Democracy in America, should be some things which we disapprove both with respect to the advantages they of, and which a less copious infusion of the have derived from their political institu- democratic element might have prevented. tions, and the dangers from that source We think it highly creditable to the intelliagainst which they are called upon to guard. gence and character of the people of the De Tocqueville is a man of much greater United States, that upon the whole they talent and fairness, and gave much more should govern themselves so well; and we time and attention to the investigation of do not believe that there is another country this subject, than any Brtish writer who has in the world that could stand universal sufyet appeared, and his views are therefore frage, that is, that there is no country where much more deserving of serious considera- the same amount of political power could tion by all who wish to understand the po- be lodged in the mass of the people, without litical institutions of the United States, and leading to much more injurious and disastheir bearing upon the character and con-trous results. dition of the people.

It can scarcely be disputed that the United States derive some important advantages from their republican institutions, which are not usually realized under a monarchical government, though there is certainly good ground for believing that these are fully compensated by corresponding disadvantages. There are not a few persons in the United States who, Republican as they are, think that in the institutions of that country the democratic principle has been carried too far, and who would not regret to see either some limitation on the right of suffrage, or else some interposition of other stages and barriers than at present exist between the mere voice of the people and the ultimate determination of national laws and national measures. As the friends of a limited hereditary monarchy, we concur in this opinion, and think that there is not a little about the state of matters in America that sanctions it. Still, there is much also about that country which is fitted to lead us to entertain a higher opinion than is usually held by the subjects of monarchs, of the capacity of a people for governing themselves, and to confirm the doctrine, which forms the basis and the substance of all liberal views in political matters, viz.,

Those who may desire some limitation of the suffrage, or some other check upon the influence of the democratic principle, are of course fully aware that any change of this sort is impracticable, and place their chief reliance for the prosperity of their institutions and the welfare of their country, upon the diffusion of education and the influence of religious principle. Notwithstanding the infidelity and recklessness occasionally exhibited, a respect for religion exercises a very considerable influence over the American community, arising both from the religious principles professed and acted upon by their forefathers, and from the extent to which true religion continues to prevail among them.

And this respect

for religion exerts a wholesome influence even over their political arrangements. A curious and interesting indication of the existence of this feeling was given at the conventions held at Baltimore in the month of May last, by the delegates of the two great political parties for nominating their respective candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency, at the approaching election in November. They were political conventions for a merely political purpose, of delegates from all the States of the Union, and yet in both of them a clergyman was

asked to open the proceedings with prayer the young the means of education, and this and the reading of the Scriptures, a prac- obligation is to a large extent well dischargtice for which in similar circumstances no- ed. We believe it is now established, that, thing like a precedent could now be found excluding those States which are still subin Great Britain. In April last, when the ject to the withering blight of slavery, a salaries of the naval and military chaplains much larger proportion of the people are were voted in the House of Representatives, able to read, and are at present attending a member opposed the grant in an infidel schools in the United States, than in any speech, but three or four members not only other country in the world. All due pains expressed their abhorrence of the infidelity, have been taken to make the general sysbut answered the infidel cavils in a very ju- tem of education vigorous and effective. dicious and intelligent way. No member Intelligent and judicious men have been reof the British House of Commons would peatedly sent to Europe to examine into venture to make an openly infidel speech, though many speeches are made there which would probably do less harm to religion if their authors had the courage to avow the infidelity that is in their hearts; but then, on the other hand, we doubt much whether, if an infidel speech were made in the House of Commons, it would have been so boldly exposed and so intelligently answered on the spur of the moment, as the one in question was in the American House of Representatives. The generality of the newspapers in this country would probably content themselves with giving the infidel speech, as a "specimen of Republican America," and omit the answers to it.

in

It is of course felt in the United states to be indispensable, that the people should, as far as possible, have the means of fitting them in some measure for the important duties which devolve upon them in the election of their rulers and legislators; other words, that they should be able to read, and have opportunities of reading fully, on all matters connected with the regulation of their national affairs. Very great and laudable efforts, accordingly, have been made for promoting the general education of the community. This is effected by a general assessment upon the inhabitants. In many of the States these assessments for educational purposes are large, and the provision is consequently ample. Indeed, education is almost the only object for which the people seem to be willing to tax themselves.* It is generally admitted there, that an obligation lies upon the community to make provision for affording to

the scholastic system of its different countries, who, on their return to America, have usually published reports of what they had seen, from which we in the old world might derive some useful suggestions.* In

*The principal works of this class which have been published in the United States, are the Relege, Philadelphia, on the charitable foundations port of Dr. Bache, President of the Girard Colfor instruction in Europe; the Report of Professor Stowe to the General Assembly of the State of Ohio, in 1837; and the Report by Mr. Mann, Secretary to the Board of Education for the State ation into the scholastic system of the principal of Massachusetts, giving the results of an examincountries of Europe, made in the summer of 1843. Mr. Mann's Report contains some strictures on the schools of Scotland, which are, we think, exaggerated and unfair; but it embodies much especially in what concerns religious instruction, matter well deserving of serious consideration in this country, as well as in the United States. The following is his general summary of the state of education in the principal countries of Europe:

"Arrange the most highly civilized and conspicuous nations of Europe in their due order of precedence, as it regards the education of their people, and the kingdoms of Prussia and Saxony, together with several of the western and southwestern States of the Germanic Confederation, would undoubtedly stand pre-eminent, both in regard to the quantity and the quality of instruction.

After these should come Holland and Scotland, the provision for education in the forlatter perhaps it is a little more thorough. Iremer being much the most extensive, while in the land, too, has now a national system, which is rapidly extending, and has already accomplished a vast amount of good. The same may be said of France. Its system for national education has now been in operation for about ten years, it has done much, and promises much more. During the very last year, Belgium has established such a system; and before the Revolution of 1830, while The annual assessment for the support of pub-it was united with Holland, it enjoyed that of the lic schools in the State of Massachusetts, amounts latter country. England is the only one among to a dollar a-head for every individual in the pop- the nations of Europe, conspicuous for its civiliulation, while about half as much more is annu-zation and resources, which has not, and never ally paid to academies and private schools. An has had, any system for the education of its peoassessment at the rate of a dollar a-head for the whole population would produce, in Scotland considerably more than £500,000, and in England above £3,000,000, annually,

ple. And it is the country where, incomparably beyond any other, the greatest and most appalling social contrasts exist, where, in comparison with the intelligence, wealth, and refinement of what

the public schools of the United States, ed- [ence and management of school commitucation is provided for the community gra- tees, chosen sometimes by the municipal tuitously, the erection of the buildings, the authorities of the district, sometimes by the salaries of the teachers, and the whole of the materials and apparatus necessary for conveying instruction, being provided for out of the general assessment. We are inclined to think, that upon the whole, this is a wise and judicious principle. Although some advantages may result from charging a fee from the pupils, yet it is scarcely possible to carry out the system of exacting fees in any scheme that professes to provide for the community in general. There must be very many parents in any community, who, while they would like to see their children educated, are neither very able nor very willing to pay for it, or at least to pay for as much of it as would be desirable, and in regard to whom the exaction of a fee would be an obstacle in the way of their receiving education, and thus so far defeat the object for which the community provided the means of instruction. That some should pay a fee, and others at the same school receive gratuitous education, would have an injurious effect upon the attendance of both classes, and thus injure the popularity and efficiency of the schools. The advantages which are conceived to result from the exaction of fees, in inducing parents to take more interest in the regular attendance and the proficiency of their children, may surely be secured to a large extent by other means and influences, whereas the benefits of education to the whole children of a community can scarcely be secured except by gratuitous education; while a liberal remuneration to the teachers, and an efficient system of inspection and superintendence by those who have the power of appointment and removal, will secure all that can be secured in point of qualification, diligence, and activity on the part of the instructors. The public schools in the United States are under the superintend

people, and sometimes partly by the one and partly by the other. So strong and so general is a sense of the benefits of education, that, as some would say, notwithstanding, but as we are rather disposed to say, because, of its being gratuitous, a very large proportion of the youth of the community are attending the public schools. In the published Report of the Controllers of the Public Schools of Philadelphia for 1843, it is mentioned, that "more than 33,000 children, or three-fifths of the whole population between the ages of five and fifteen, now frequent the public schools, and that large numbers of applicants are found seeking for admission, more rapidly than vacancies occur or new schools can be formed." There is a principle commonly acted upon in regard to the schools of the larger towns, which is found to exert a very wholesome influence on the teachers, the parents, and the scholars; it is that of having a gradation of schools, through which the children pass in succession, a fair amount of proficiency at the lower being necessary before they are admitted into the higher; and admission into the highest, where they receive a classical education, being in all cases the result and the reward of superior proficiency in all their previous studies. Thus, in Philadelphia, they have a system of primary schools, into which of course the children are admitted indiscriminately; then a system of secondary schools, into which the children are not admitted until they have made a certain degree of proficiency in the primary: then a system of grammar schools, composed of those children who are found to have made due proficiency at the secondary; and lastly, a high school, where the hig er branches of education, including classics and mathematics, are taught, and into which those only are admitted who have distinguished themare called the higher classes, there is the most ig-selves at the grammar schools. In this norance, poverty, and crime among the lower. And yet in no country in the world have there been men who have formed nobler conceptions of the power, and elevation, and blessedness that come in the train of mental cultivation; and in no country have there been bequests, donations, and funds so numerous and munificent as in Eng land. Still, owing to the inherent vice and selfishness of their system, or their no system, there is no country in which so little is effected, compared with their expenditure of means; and what is done, only tends to separate the different classes of society more and more widely from each

other."-P. 84.

way, all children, whatever may be the circumstances of their parents, who exhibit talent and an aptitude for learning, have the benefits of a full and liberal education within their reach; the whole scheme of education for the city is brought within the range of a comprehensive system, and of deliberate and efficient superintendence, and strong and powerful motives to a diligent and faithful discharge of their respective duties are brought to bear upon teachers, parents,

and children. The average annual expense] mention, that it is quite common in the to the community of the education of each public schools to spend a quarter of an of the 33,000 children attending the public hour in the morning, at the commencement schools in Philadelphia, is only twenty-four of the exercises, in the reading of the shillings sterling, including not merely the cost of tuition, but fuel, books, stationery, and supplies of every description. In this estimate are included the expenses of the High school, though the average annual expense of each pupil attending the High school, taking that department by itself, is about £9. The instruction in many of the public schools is so well conducted that it is quite common, even in large towns where private instructors are to be found, for persons to send their children to the public schools, who are both able and willing to pay for their education, and this of course tends to do away the idea of their being charity or pauper institutions. And in deed, we believe that the principal reason why gratuitous education has not usually succeeded well in this country is, because it has been tried only on a very small scale, and has been confined almost entirely to the poorest classes, to the exclusion of all who were able to pay school fees. On this account, the system, so far as it has been attempted in this country, has had a repelling and degrading effect; whereas, in the United States, it is looked upon as a provision made by the community for the general benefit of the community, to which all the taxable population contribute according to their means, and thus there is no feeling of degradation connected with education in the public schools.

Scriptures, and the prevalence of this practice is a favorable indication of the general state of public sentiment, especially as it has given rise to much controversy and contention with the Roman Catholics. In one or two cases the Roman Catholics have had influence enough to secure for themselves a share of the public grant to be spent in the erection and maintenance of schools conducted upon their own principles, and in accordance with their own views. But in most districts the majority of the people have, in the meantime, held the position that the reading of the Bible is not sectarian, and have determined that the practice is to be continued in the public schools. This has led the Roman Catholics to set up separate schools at their own expense, and to make great efforts to render them efficient and popular, and this is one of the agencies which has contributed to promote the influence of the Church of Rome. It is of course open to the Churches either to take advantage of the public schools for the secular instruction of their children, and to provide separately by Sabbath schools or otherwise for their religious training, or to establish separate schools of their own where instruction in the peculiar doctrines of Christianity and in the peculiar tenets of the Church, may be communicated in connexion with secular education. The former has been the course usually adopted, It will readily be supposed that the dif- except by the Roman Catholics, who obficult and perplexing questions connected ject to the reading of the Bible in the pubwith religious instruction, which have re- lic schools. But a feeling is growing in cently been discussed in this country, have other Churches that it is injurious to the also been agitated in the United States. young to have their religious and their secAs there is no established church or domi- ular education so much dissevered from nant sect, and as the assessment for the each other, and that the Churches are callsupport of the schools is levied indiscrimi-ed upon to do more than they have hithernately from all classes of the community, to done to have the secular education of the there is, of course, nothing sectarian in the young under their care connected with and choice of the teachers, or in the character based upon religion; and several of them of the instruction, in other words, religion are seriously meditating the establishment properly so called is not taught in the of a system of Church schools for the inschools. In the situation in which that country was placed, the only alternatives were, either to make no public provision for the education of the community, or else to omit the inculcation of religious doctrines, leaving it to the Churches to provide, in whatever way they might think best, for the religious instruction of the youth connected with them. It is right, however, to

struction of the youth of their own communion. Whether this idea may be carried out, and, if it be, what may be its ef fects upon the system of public schools, upon the relations of the Churches to each other, and on the general welfare of the community, it is impossible to foresee; but one thing is manifest, that the experience of the United States concurs with our recent expe

rience in this country, in proving, that the respectable, cost a penny, and the smaller, whole subject of the establishment of a gen- many of which are less reputable, cost only eral system of education for a community a half-penny. In this way a great deal of divided among a variety of religious sects, information upon all public questions is is attended with greater difficulties than circulated through the whole community ; many among us have been willing to al- and we have no doubt that a vastly greater low; while at the same time, it seems to proportion of the inhabitants of the United point to the conclusions-1st, That it is States have opinions upon all public quesscarcely possible for the State, in ordinary tions, and are able to state and defend them circumstances, to introduce and establish, in an intelligent and sensible way, in short, de novo, a general system of education for can discuss politics respectably, than in a community divided among a variety of re- this country. There is also acquired in ligious sects, that shall rest upon a re- this way, and generally diffused, a larger ligious basis; and, 2d, That the Churches acquaintance with the political affairs of themselves must in one way or other under- Europe, and particularly of Great Britain, take and provide for the religious educa- than we commonly possess of those of tion of the youth connected with them. America. The more intelligent and eduWe have been led to advert to this mat- cated classes, however, do not trust to ter in illustrating the position, that a strong newspapers for information about European sense of the necessity and benefits of edu- literature and politics, but are much in the cation exists in the United States, and that habit of reading our reviews and other great efforts are made and large expenses periodicals of a higher class. Most of the incurred in securing the means of educu- leading British reviews are republished in tion to the community. This remark, America, and are sold much cheaper than however, applies only to the Free as distin- in this country; our half-crown magazines guished from the Slave States. States, being generally sold for ninepence, and our whose statute book is disgraced by enactments prohibiting slaves being taught to read, may be justly supposed to have little education themselves, and to be incapable of appreciating the obligations connected with it, and the benefits resulting from it. We have already seen something of the condition of the Slave State of Mississippi in regard to this matter, and even Virginia, which has been the longest settled, and is altogether the most civilized and respectable of any of the Slave States, has not yet established any general system of public education.

six shilling quarterlies for two; and we have reason to believe, that about as large a proportion of men connected with the learned professions are in the habit of reading four or five of our leading reviews as are to be found even amongst ourselves.

A great deal is said in this country about the corrupt state of the newspaper press in the United States, and there can be no doubt that unrestrained liberty in this respect has to a considerable extent degenerated into licentiousness; but we are persuaded that this too, like many of the other evils existing in America, has been exaggeIt is necessary not only that the people rated. There is a recklessness in the should be educated, but that they have the abuse of public men, and of candidates for means of reading fully on all matters con- office, which is not common in this counnected with the regulation of public affairs, try; and there are outrages upon public and these are supplied by the newspapers decency in the shape of advertisements of and the periodical press to an extent of quack medicines, such as never have been which in this country we have scarcely any attempted here, and would not be tolerated conception. Every little town has its news- by public opinion; but still the general paper, and there is no place of any importance where the great body of the people are not in the habit of reading a newspaper which is published daily. The reading of the newspaper is looked upon not merely as an amusement, but as a part of every man's business, to which a portion of each day is, as a matter of course, devoted. In every considerable town there are several dailies published, and there are two classes of them, the larger and generally the more

state of the newspaper press, as indicated by the casual perusal of all such newspapers. as happened to come in our way, was not so bad as we had been led to expect; and we fear that even the worst of them might be matched in most respects by some of the widely-circulated Sunday Journals of London. And it should not be forgotten, that if the press in the United States is often employed for evil, it is also vigorously and energetically employed for good, and