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advances, equally premature, degrading, and fruitless, to the French regicides, for obtaining peace. Accordingly, on the 17th of June, he moved an address to his Majesty, requesting him to take the earliest measures for procuring peace with France, on terms consistent with the justice and policy of the British nation. The motion was strongly opposed by Mr. Windham and Mr. Burke, both of whom expatiated on the danger, as well as on the impolicy, of dissolving the existing confederacy against France, and the folly and degradation of an attempt at negotiation. Mr. Burke declared, that he, for one, would never consent to prostrate the Throne of Great Britain at the foot of the French Jacobins, or the French National Convention. The House, perfectly satisfied with the cogency of the arguments which had been advanced, both now and before, in opposition to Mr. Fox's pacific notions, called loudly for the question, but Mr. Pitt, having been personally alluded to by the opposition, felt it necessary to make some few observations on the general grounds on which it had been supported. It had doubtless been introduced on the eve of the conclusion of the Sessions, as a solemn expression of the sentiments entertained by Mr. Fox on the present state of affairs; and, therefore, Mr. Pitt was anxious

that his opinion upon the subject should be unequivocally stated. He declared, therefore, without hesitation, that the motion was in itself the most impolitic and preposterous which could possibly be adopted, the most contradictory to those general principles which ought, at all times, to regulate the conduct of Englishmen, and, the most unsuitable to those particular circumstances in which they were then placed. It was only calculated to amuse and delude the people, by holding out to them a possibility of peace, when, in reality, peace was impossible, and thus served to create groundless discontents and dissatisfaction with the existing situation of affairs.He then adverted to the objects of the war, and contended that not one of them could be secured by a premature application for peace. He disclaimed all intention, before the war, of interfering with the internal affairs of France. But, having been attacked, no pledge either had, or could be given, that such interference would not take place. If, indeed, sufficient reparation and security could be obtained without, any alteration in the revolutionary government, then ought they to be accepted.-But he certainly thought, that the best security to be afforded, would be the destruction of that wild, ungoverned system, whence had resulted all

those injuries against which it had become necessary to guard.

Mr. Pitt next considered the practicability of making peace with the existing usurpers of the Supreme power in France; and he observed that, before a treaty could be concluded, in all probability, a change of men would occur, and a change of measures ensue, which might stop it in its progress; or, should it be concluded, the same cause might lead to its immediate violation. Should they treat with Marat, before the negotiation was finished, he might again havę descended to the dregs of the people, from which he had sprung, and have given place to a still more desperate villain. A band of leaders had swayed the mob in constant succession, all resembling in guilt, but each striv ing to improve in crime upon his predecessor, and swell the black catalogue with new modes and higher gradations of wickedness.—

Ætas parentum pejor avis tulit

Nos nequiores, mox daturos
Progeniem vitiosiorem.

No treaty, he contended, could exist on their good faith, independent of the terms of peace; and no engagement could be formed more solemn than that which the French rulers had contracted

in return for the acknowledged neutrality of the British government, and which they had so scandalously violated.

Having shewn that the motion could answer no good purpose, he proceeded to prove that it was calculated to answer a very bad purpose to discourage our allies, and to inspire our enemies with confidence. It was

negatived, on a division, by 187 votes against 47.

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On the twenty-first of June his Majesty prorogued the Parliament, remarking in his speech, that it was only by a vigorous prosecu tion of the war that he could hope to obtain the great end to which his views were uniformly directed the restoration of peace on such terms as might be consistent with the permanent security of this country, and with the general tranquillity of Europe.

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CHAPTER XXVII.

Affairs of France-State of that Country after the murder of the King-Character of Louis XVI. by M. de. Malesherbes-Schism among the Jacobins-Brissot heads the Girondists, and Robespierre takes the command of the Jacobins-Advantage of the latter over the formerExtraordinary means adopted for reinforcing the ArmiesSiege of Maestricht raised-French driven out of LiegeDiscontent in the Austrian Netherlands-Dumouriez resumes the command of the French Army-Endeavours to restore Discipline and to check Extortion-Attacks, the. Austrians at Nerwinde-Is defeated with great lossAgain defeated at Louvain-Retreats towards the French frontier-Comparative force of the two Armies-Dumouriez opens a negotiation with the Austrians-His interview with Colonel Mack-His scheme for dissolving the Convention, and for restoring the Constitutional MonarchyMack insists on the evacuation of the Austrian Netherlands by the French-Dumouriez accedes to the proposal and withdraws his Army-Commissioners from the Convention order Dumouriez to repair to Paris-He refuses, seizes the Commissioners, and delivers them up to the Austrians-Publishes a Proclamation inviting all loyal Frenchmen to join him-Is fired at by a body of National Guards-Flies to the Austrian Quarters-The Prince de Cobourg, at his request, addresses a Proclamation to the

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