to be signed, to a certificate signed by eighty-four citizens of this county, saying all the charges in the celebrated union county letter were false. I did sign a certificate that Mr. Porter was not a blasphemer; I did not believe he was a blasphemer, for I consider blasphemy the highest grade of impious profanity. I did certify that there were no judgments on the docket against Mr. Porter, because they were of more than 20 years' standing, and in law were not against him. I did not certify that they had been paid. "To your sixth interrogation, I must say that I regret that the first clause is introduced: it is with feelings of mingled sorrow and surprise that I saw the name of any Christian sect introduced into any political discussion. The sphere of the professed worshipper, in any form, is around the altar and sanctuary of his God; to him he must render his account for the deeds done in the body, and whether a man is attached to any sect is a matter of small moment; if he be a sincere and worthy member, he will meet his reward. I cannot violate the precepts of him who says, "Judge not." I can only say that Mr. Stonebreaker has been for many years, and is now, a member of the church you name, and his continuance there is evidence of his standing, and I never heard of his having been expelled therefrom. In answer to the last clause, I say his mind is sound and as capable of recollecting and relating transactions now as in his more youthful vigour. "To answer your seventh query, I can briefly say that, since the Messrs. Stonebreakers have given their testimony to the public, the marshal of the United States has served a writ upon Samuel Stonebreaker, the son and brother of the others, for an alleged defalcation of nine dollars, and that too without previously making any call on him. The execution of which process must add costs to the amount of fifty dollars on a poor, young, honest, correct man, who was prepared at any time to adjust the claim, upon the government giving him the credit to which he was entitled. I consider this an insult and injury upon the people, when hundreds who owe thousands of dollars roam unmolested, and merely because they belong to the dominant party. "In answer to your last inquiry, I say I am acquainted with nearly all of the signers to the certificates for the Stonebreakers, and know them to be men of character and correct habits. Many of them are among the oldest and best citizens of the county. But as you have selected Mr. Wallace and Kinkead, I must add my testimony to their character something more at large. Mr. Wallace served in the Senate of this State, and was selected from this district, and he has ever been respected and honoured by his neighbours. Mr. Kinkead has been for many years a prominent leader of the old Democratic party, and is still a firm, unyielding supporter of Jeffersonian Democracy, and was up pointed postmaster at Yellow Springs by President Madison, and has held that appointment ever since, until he was removed by Mr. Kendal. "Thus I have answered as briefly and as candidly as possible your inquiries; you are at liberty to make what use of it you deem prudent. "With expressions of regard, "I am respectfully yours, "JOHN WILLIAMSON. "To A. Russel and B. Bannan, Esqrs." "Your Committee beg leave to say, from the documentary evidence they have examined, and from all the information they could get from the most respectable citizens of Huntingdon county, that the charges published in the Miners' Journal against David R. Porter are substantially true; and we have no hesitation in saying that no candid and honest man can go to Huntingdon, and make the same examination we did, and see and hear the same amount of testimony we did, can come to any other conclusion. If we saw nothing to palliate or contradic the charges; if there could be anything produced by his friends, the fault was theirs-they did not offer us anything: we therefore take it for granted they had nothing to offer. In conclusion, we would merely state, that Messrs. Hughes and Ingram did not examine any of the bonds, the assignments of property, the evidences of debt in Porter's own handwriting, and in fact all the principal evidence on which the charges are based, nor did they express any desire to us to see them after their arrival in Huntingdon. “There are a great many other facts which came to our knowledge after our arrival in Huntingdon, which might be embodied in this report, but its great length, and the confident belief that what has already been stated, is sufficient to convince any candid and honest man, desirous of correct information, of the truth of the charges, we have refrained from increasing the length of this our report. "Pottsville, Sept. 29th, 1838." "ANDREW RUSSEL. Such, my Lord, is the character of the governor of Pennsylvania. And now let us return to the primary meetings to which he owes his election, and which are left entirely in the hands of the leaders; the rest of the voters being satisfied that if success awaits "the party" each voter will be rewarded according to his electioneering talents, as far as the spoils will go. As to men of probity, they have given up all idea of being able to serve their country: they turn from the scene of politics with horror and disgust, and at the time of voting are to be found by their own firesides. Indeed the government is in the hands of senseless, chattering boys. The majority of them are positively boys in point of experience; and a stranger going to America must observe that such boys as in other countries would be learning to get their own living by labour are there learning to live by politics. He will see them standing at tavern-doors, or at the corner of streets, rolling cigars from one side of their mouths to the other, while discussing the " Presidential question," the "Gubernatorial question," or, perhaps, the question as to which of themselves shall be sent to the Assembly, the House of Representatives, or to the Senate, at the approaching election. From what I have seen of these things, I cannot but think that a nation governed by men that are not less than forty years of age, would be much happier than one governed by those of twenty-one. "Days shall speak," said Job, "and multitude of years shall teach wisdom." We know that age does not always make a man wise, but experience is always effectual where anything can be so; and it is rare to find a man at forty that is not wiser than he was at twenty, and consequently more fit to take part in matters upon which the fate of his country depends. We have read of the reign of Rehoboam, and of the consequences of his taking the advice of the young men of his acquaintance, instead of taking counsel of the old men that stood before Solomon his father, and we have read of and seen many other things, tending to convince us that age is necessary to govern; but I do not recollect to have read or seen anything that had a tendency to convince me of the contrary. I have lately had put into my hands a book, "Thoughts on Public Trust," written by William Dawson, Esq. of Frogdean, in Roxburghshire, Scotland, and published in 1805. This book contains some very excellent remarks upon the subject I am now speaking of, and from which I take the following "Civilized nations in general thought it proper to refuse individuals power over their own fortunes, until they arrived at a particular age, supposing that their passions and want of experience, while young, would induce them to spend it foolishly. But if this restraint be necessary in the private affairs, where interest operates as a powerful check upon the passions, it is much more necessary to continue the trust, where interest, in place of being a check, often operates as a spur to the passions. * * * * "As there are so many instances of young persons, who, in a few years after their majority, spend their fortunes and ruin their health, from the want of experience, and from the violence of their passions, their own interest being an insufficient check to prevent them, nothing can appear more imprudent than to entrust such persons with the magistracy, or even with the right of voting. "Would it not be prudent, and give greater steadiness and respecta bility to national deliberations, if none were allowed to hold any magistracy, or to vote for any public officer, until they were forty years of age? Such a regulation would very much lessen the number of voters without injuring the right of any class; and would put the magistracy, the election and control of public agents, and voting on laws, into the hands of men, who, from having cooler passions and more experience, are best qualified for such important trust." The reformer, I think, might read these "Thoughts on Public Trust" to some advantage. But, my Lord, it is not my purpose to try to show what is best to be done by way of reform; I only intend to hold up the United States of America as a beacon, hoping that all reformers will avoid it, whatever other way they steer. I now beg to refer your Lordship to the Appendix, which will be sufficient, I trust, to satisfy every thinking man that it is just and proper for the good of nations that such a beacon should be exhibited. Trusting in this, it would be superfluous to say more, except that I have the honour to be Your Lordship's Very obedient and humble servant, THOMAS BROTHERS. ON THE CONDUCT OF THE REPUBLICANS OF THE UNITED STATES TO THE AMERICAN INDIANS. To the Right Honourable the Lord Brougham, &c. MY LORD, Bishop's Itchington, Sept. 2, 1839. THE following remarks and extracts from public documents, relative to the treatment of the North American republicans to the Indian aborigines, were written and collected in the beginning of the year 1838, the author being then resident in Philadelphia. I did not at that time intend to address the letter to your Lordship, which circumstance may account for the familiar manner in which I have written. As, however, your Lordship, I am sure, cares little for style or manner so long as important facts are adduced, I shall present the letter to you as it was originally written without any alteration. I believe, beyond a doubt, that no government of whatever form has ever evinced so much cruelty and injustice as has the republic of the United States to the American Indians. This you will find is an opinion that the government at one time held itself; I shall not, therefore, I hope, be called to account for having stated that which their own public documents acknowledge, which documents I am about to lay before you. I cannot, of course, in a letter, pretend to give a history of the treatment of the Indians from the first landing of the white man in their country; but I can and will begin with the first act that caused me to think of their wrongs, and to distrust the virtue and honesty of republican government. This act was committed by the state of Georgia in the year 1825, being one year after I arrived in America. It appears that an agreement had been made in the year 1802 between Georgia and the United States, that the latter should purchase and give to the former the land belonging to the Indians, and lying within the boundaries of that state. This was to be done when the Indians should become willing to part with it peaceably and on reasonable terms. You will think this a strange sort of an agreement, for two parties to be trucking away, from one to the other, the lands of a third party, without the third party's knowledge or consent. Years passed away and nothing was |