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Page. Prince Bedreddin's Tarts ; or, the Consequences of an Indigestion

446 Returned

568 Revolution in England

112 Rome, as Seen by a New Yorker

192 Romance and Reality

242 Recollections of Fifty Years. A Sketch of '98

251 Stanzas, by R. S. S. ANDROS

66 Sonnets, by ANNE C. Lynch

196 Sonnets, by R. S. S. ANDROS

196 Sonnet, by H. T. TUCKERMAN

347, 494 SYDNEY SMITH, Rev.

415 SCHILLER and Goethe, Correspondence of

512 Texas, the Presidents of, by C. MONTGOMERY

282 The Ghost of New York, by CORNELIUS MATHEWS

10 The Ballad of Don Roderick, by S. WALLACE CONE

13 The Sheik of Alexandria and his Slaves, from the German of Hauff, by the Author of Giatar al Barmeki

31 The Shot in the Eye. A True Story of Texas Border Life, by c. WILKINS EIMI

144 The Late Acting President

211 The Song of the Bell, from SCHILLER

215 The Cabman's Story, from Dumas

225 The Literature of Fiction, by A. DAVEZAC

268 The Astrologer's Tower, from Hoffmann, by Mrs. È. F. Eiler

329 The Old Beggar, by R. S. S. ANDROS

346 The Journal of an African Cruizer, by an Officer of the U. s. Navy

482, 533 The Young American, by ALEXANDER H. EVERETT

495 The Friends, from the German of TIECK

496 The Oregon Question

523 The Bridal of Pennacook, a Poem. By J. G. WHITTIER

537 Travels and Writings of HENRY R. SCHOOLCRAFT

552 The Faro Table. From the German of HOFFMANN

555 The Tea Fairy. A Chinese Legend. "By Mrs. E. F. ELLET

585 The Power of Words, by Edgar A, PoE

602 Undine, and Sintram and his Companions

509 Verses to a Child with some Wild Flowers

78 WALKER, ROBERT J.

157 What is the Reason ? How Much Land and Property and I have none

17 Wilhelmine Schroeder-Devrient, by Mrs. E. F. ELLET

282

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ABOLITIONISM has certainly grown now of 10,000 beyond that by which the into an important political Fact, to Democracy succeeded in carrying the whose demands upon our notice, if to State, and with it the Union-how were neither its entreaties nor its arguments, they not assailed by the defeated party we cannot refuse, at least an anxious, if as having done it! Has it indeed come neither an admiring nor approving at- to this ? Has Abolitionism held in its tention. It is not to be denied, that at power the arbitrament of this great nathe late election-partly from acciden- tional issue? Has it been first implortal circumstances, and partly from its ingly courted to elect one President, own strength-yet still practically as and then resentfully reproached with a fact—it has been able to hold quiver- having elected another ? Verily, then, ing in its mad hand the balance of small as is the respect we have accordpower between the two great parties of ed, or are disposed to accord it—verily, the country. It was strong enough to Political Abolitionism is no joke. It is attract to itself that court which the a Something, even though it be only a selfishness of politics addresses only wild bull loose in the streets. When to important political elements of pow. we recall some of the recollections of er. It saw itself Aattered, besieged, the late canvass, we cannot refuse to importuned, all but knelt to, by one of confess how narrowly we have escapthe two contending parties; and though ed being fatally gored by its horn. the other held sternly aloof from it, yet Should we have thus escaped if Mr. even that other did not affect to regard Clay had not published his Alabama its decision without apprehension. Spe- pro-Texas Letters ? It is a question cial missions were sent to it, of high never now to be answered ; but one on personal weight and influence, and al- which when Mr. Clay himself somemost officially recognized and accredit- times reflects, how deeply may he not ed—by private letters, whatever public deplore the fatal kindness of his misdisavowals “our friend John Speed taken parents, in ever teaching him to Smith” may have concurred with others make his first infantine pothook! in deeming indispensable. And when all Nor is New York the only State in failed-or rather resulted in only that which, as between the two great existpartial success which was practically ing political divisions of the people, equivalent to failure—when the main Abolitionism holds the balance of power. bulk of the Democratic portion of Abo- It is true also of Ohio, Indiana, Pennlitionism, and a portion of its Whig sylvania, Connecticut, Massachusetts, constituent parts, refused to listen to Vermont-perhaps might add 'he voice of the charmer, and vote for others. In the recent election, it is t'lay, so that 15,000 of its votes in the certain that it has not shown its full balance State, New York, were still strength. It has been divided, one of cast for their own candidate, an excess the principal issues involved being of a

we

character to draw off a large section of friends and its little less fanatic foes. its Whig portion (and a considerable Good and bad, right and wrong, have majority of it is undoubtedly Whig in been so confusedly mixed up in it and its origin and continued sympathies) — about it, that many minds, unquestionand to give it to Clay. And this was ably of a high order, both in point of inthe source of the interest with which telligence and integrity of purpose, have we of the Democratic Party looked on been led into the opposite extremes of as we stood by, and witnessed all the opinion and corresponding action in reintense effort made by our opponents to gard to it. Each seeing only the right carry off the whole body of the Aboli- on his own side, and blind to all but the tionists on the strength of the anti- wrong on the other, have been led into slavery elements which they, and un- these conflicting fanaticisms of mutual fortunately the Administration, had hate, which, unless arrested in their fast managed to mix up into the Texas progressive tendency, threaten consequestion. We only feared lest they quences incompatible with the permashould carry off the whole, both the nent harmony, or even cohesion of our Whig and Democratic portions. Had national system. This must no longer they not succeeded to the extent to be. The danger, the evil, has already which they did with the former (and grown to a height which must awaken perhaps a small number of the latter), the alarm of all the considerate, the our majority in this State would have calm and the patriotic amongst us. been larger. Their vote at the election It is time now that they should rescue of November, 1843, was upwards of the question from the hands of its anta17,000 in the State of New York. gonist zealots, and without further delay They counted confidently on a vote of apply some effectual remedy, to arrest at least 25,000 this year. The differ- its continued agitation in the spirit and ence between those numbers is but a in the manner which have characterized reasonable allowance for the growth its agitation for the past ten or dozen which has undoubtedly taken place in years. their strength within the past year. The Abolitionists have made great Full 10,000 of their general number- mistakes; the Southern slave-holders of those who must hereafter and will have made great mistakes ; the two pobe considered as their own-must have litical parties in the North have made voted with the Whig party at the late great mistakes, in regard to it. election.

We have no reference to the merits Such a

“third party,” as a political of the general question of the Abolition fact, is, we repeat, no joke. It may be of Slavery, pro or con. Abolition and condemned, but it cannot be laughed Abolitionism are two wholly distinct at-it may be detested, but it can neith- things. Many persons, both at the er be despised nor disregarded. What North and at the South, look with favor shall be done with it? Why is it ?- upon the former, and earnest desire for Whence ?-above all, Whither? its earliest practicable attainment, who

The last is a question we begin now, nevertheless are foremost in their oppofor the first time, to look upon with sition to the latter. They stand opsome solicitude ;-slight, indeed ; yet posed to the latter, indeed, for the very still not to be entirely silenced, even by reason that they, dispassionately and the best reasonings or best hopes we calmly, favor the former. There is can indulge in the matter. Not that it many a Southerner, who, as a Southernpresents anything formidable, so long as er, and if the question were left wholly reason and patriotism shall not have to Southerners, would anxiously favor quite taken leave of the mind and heart any and all feasible or likely modes of of the American people ; yet still in- ridding themselves of Slavery ; yet who, volving elements, possibly susceptible so long as the agitation of the question of development into seeds of evil too is kept up in the spirit which has chafearful to be contemplated with any de- racterized the movement, moral and pogree of calmness.

litical, of Abolitionism, will never cease The present position of Abolitionism, to oppose to it the sternest, and even a as a political idea and a practical poli- highly resentful, resistance. Where it tical power, is the result of a long series was their policy to conciliate by brotherly of mutual mistakes and mutual wrongs, kindness, they have preferred to exasperon the part of both its own fanatic ate by the worst outrages of insult. "Be

article.

ed,

-truth view,

it borne in mind, that Abolitionism, not fierce labors, every day of such contest Abolition, is the subject of the present tends only to remove farther and farther

its attainment, if ever it may be attainIndependently, then, of whatever of ed. Without adopting all the extreme truth or error may reside in the funda- principles of the Peace Societies or of mental doctrine from which they derive the Non-Resistance doctrine, yet of this the name they have so much discredit- truth at least every hour's experience in

as seen from the one point of life affords fresh confirmation, namely, error as from the other,-the that the principle of Force is not only of Abolitionists have throughout commit- the earth, earthy, but we are half tempted ted the fatal mistake of urging a purely to say of the Devil, devilish. It is the moral cause by means, not only foreign principle of Evil and not of Good; and to that character, but hostile to it, in- the less of it we call into service, in all compatible with it. Where they had matters of moral government or manto persuade, they have undertaken to agement of men, the better. It rarely force. Where love was the spirit in fails to do absolutely and immediately which they should have approached the more harm than good; and even in task, they have done it in that of hate. many of its applications where the Anti-Christ has been made the animat- present expedient good appears most to ing and presiding influence of a move- predominate, it is attended with so ment purporting a purely Christian much incidental or eventual evil which character, and having no other possibil- might have been avoided by patient ity of attaining its professed object than time or by the employment of the genby Christian means.

We do not say tler arts of Christian love, that even this of all—far from it!--but the num- that apparent good is far, far too dearly ber has been neither small nor back- bought. Abolitionism has committed ward in activity and loudness among this fatal and suicidal error,-suicidal, them, who have made it perfectly ap- we mean, to its true moral vitality. It parent to every disinterested observer, had made mistakes bad enough and that it was much more the slaveholder, many enough before ; it has made none than slavery, that they had brought worse than this last one, of converting themselves to hale--much more them- itself into a political party, with a view selves, with their own angry passions, to compel the legislation of the country their own one-idea'd partizanship, and into the channel of its own peculiar inflamed bitterness of fanaticism, that single idea, by means which in their they had come to love, than the slave ultimate analysis all resolve themselves who served at once for their text and down into this bad and false principle of their pretext. God will not be served physical Force. in the livery of the Devil. The weapons The principal point we had in view that go on crusades, should be blessed in alluding to the participation of the before they start.

two political parties of the North, in the And now what good have they done ? general tissue of mistakes in which an Have they made any advance toward unhappy fatality seems to have involved the attainment of the object of giving this subject, was this-namely, the liberty to the slave of the South? Is popular persecution which at one period the political importance, as a balancing they both vied with each other in inparty, to which they have risen, or rather flicting, upon its legitimate agitation to which they have been raised, any such and discussion at the North, for the advance? Far indeed from it. They purpose of conciliating the good-will of might go on, and if the same influences the South in our Presidential contests. were unwisely continued which alone Who has forgotten the time when each have ministered to their progressive strove so earnestly to disclaim and to strength, and they might first make the disprove for itself the character which Union intolerable to live in, and then each strove so earnestly to fasten upon might effect an angry and hostile dis- other, that of being Abolitionist in spirit ruption of it. But meanwhile, as for and tendency? Hence the rivalry of perany of that influence on the Southern secution directed, not merely against mind-on either the reason of the Abolitionism, but Abolitionists; not only slaveholder or his heart-from which in the bad enough form of newspaper vioalone can proceed any chance or means lence and abuse, but the still worse one of effecting the professed object of their of popular violence; which mobbed the

man

preachers and lecturers, and burned the and objects. We will simply remark newspaper-offices and halls of discus- in passing, that no is to be sion, of the obnoxious doctrine-doc- harshly judged in matters which he trine to a certain degree, indeed, ob- regards as involving the question whethnoxious in itself, but still more obnoxious er to-morrow morning's sun may not from the danger supposed to exist that rise upon the spectacle of his own the whole Southern Presidential vote throat cut from ear to ear, his infant's would go en masse against the party brains spattered on his door-post, and less forward than the other in this race before his own hearth-stone his wife of mutual disgrace. The persecutions and daughter visited with a fate a of this character which attended the thousand-fold worse than either. It is earlier years of Abolitionism at the of the course pursued by the South in North, gave it early a moral vigor and its Federal legislative action on the vitality which started it powerfully on subject, that we speak-when we dethe career of its destined - mission." clare the conviction long universal elseThis has served, from the outset, to at- where and frequent among themselves, tach to it the attractive character of a that it has been the most injudicious doctrine, pure, philanthropic and liberal they could have adopted. We allude in its professed aims, yet persecuted, particularly to the position assumed and seemingly, in the worst spirit, and by maintained by them, in regard to the the worst means of intolerance, bru- treatment of the class of Abolition petality and cruelty. These mob-perse-titions. Not that there has been in it cutions were equally disgraceful in any violation either of the Constituthemselves, and injurious to the very tional provision on the subject, or of object of their design. They nurtured any great principle of Liberty and the infancy of Abolitionism into a Popular Rights. The “great principle" hardy energy of youth, to which every of the “right of petition,” as it has day was calculated to add increased been agitated of late years, is a “great force, progress, and boldness. It is the humbug”—under a system of instituworld-old story of persecution over tions founded, as ours is, on the right of again, which so rarely fails of defeating dictalion residing in the people, and its own very purpose, whether it be di- accompanied with unrestricted facilities rected against a nascent truth and for its exercise. The provision of the good, or a nascent lie and evil. When, Constitution on the subject is satisfied when will the human race learn this when Congress abstains from passing innumerably repeated lesson? Never, any “ law abridging the right of the peowe fear, so long as the axiom remains, ple peaceably to assemble, and to petiin private as in public affairs, that ex- tion the government for a redress of perience is but the stern-light of a ship, grievances.” The action to be had by which illumines only its wake.

either House of Congress on any of The South, too, shared fully in that these petitions when brought into its very fanaticism on this subject against hall, is a matter of its own internal prowhich it had itself so loudly de- ceedure, to be regulated by itself in the claimed. They may have had much to modes it shall judge most effectual for provoke, but not enough to justify, all the despatch of its proper functions and they have done—to justify, we mean, on duties, and the promotion of the general the grounds of prudence and policy, in- public weal. If clear in the conviction dependently of all others. We say that it has no power to act at all on any nothing of their own local modes of given subject-or even that it is highly action on the subject, both in respect to inexpedient at the present time to act their legislation, and to all they have in any way upon it—it has a clear right both talked and done in a thousand to pass collectively upon a whole class modes, public and private, in a spirit of of petitions asking for the action against retaliatory fierceness and violence, sur- which it has thus resolved, and to depassing all that awakened it. Of all clare in advance, once for all, that it this we say nothing. It lies out of the will not take any legislative action upon path of our present discussion, and of them,—that it will not allow its time to the general range of topic heretofore be taken up, or the tranquillity of its deobserved, and still to be observed, in this liberations disturbed, perhaps its assemReview, designed as it is for no sec- blage dissolved, by receiving and distional, but for broad national circulation cussing the class of petitions in ques

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