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THE CENTRAL EUROPEAN DEMOCRATIC COMMITTEE.
TO THE POLES! You have nobly suffered; you have bravely fought; each of you is a living incarnation of his country. Thinking of Poland, all Europe repeats the words addressed by a Pope to your ancestors—' Every handful of your earth is a relic of martyrs.' You are then worthy to hear the truth. We love you, and we feel ourselves worthy to speak it to you.
You are called to conclude an European struggle, which your brothers of the south and of the centre will first sustain. The last battle between absolutism and liberty may perhaps be foughi upon your plains; your war-cry then must be a formula of life for the Sclavonian world. You have therefore great duties to accomplish; your People has always had the presentiment of them, and for that reason, come what may, you are and always will be a nation. And yet in 1848 you did not respond, with the energy of which you are capable, to the appeal of the Peoples. Wherefore? Because since 1816 you have wanted an unitary organization. Thought has progressed with you; action has lost its continuity and strength. One would say that you, the de endants of ancestors who listened to the Gospel sword in hand, have given up bearing witness to your national faith; awaiting from the slow course of things, or the convulsions of the West, the resurrection of your country and liberty.
Undeceive yourselves ; country and liberty will be restored to you only as you are ready to sacrifice yourselves for them; for, if the general laws of Humanity point out to us the end, it is we as apostles, combatants, martyrs if need be, who ought to attain it. Ah! doubtless your brothers of other European countries can do much for you; they will not forget that your breasts were their bulwark against Mahometanism. But, above all, it is necessary that the conscience of the Polish People should be ready to assert aloud and unceasingly the right that Poland has to exist. Now a right---be sure of this, is only made manifest by the accomplishment of a duty; life is not thought, it is thought translated into action.
Awake, then, and act !
Some men in 1848, showing you Berlin and Vienna in revolt, said—'All is done, liberty will fall upon you from on high, like heavenly manna, without efforts, without battles. But have you not too surely learned, that against despots liberty can triumph only by force; that nationality cannot be recovered by concession, but must reconquer itself? Yes, we know it ; Vienna and Berlin will rise again; but it is not by sending them deputations from your national committees, it is not by demanding reforms from them that you will restore your country; you can do it by paying its ransom with your lives, by responding to the movements of Vienna and Berlin by a sudden outbreak, by placing yourselves between the nations and the Kings as the reserve of the European democratic army; by drawing the sword for the new Gospel of Humanity, 'for our liberty and for yours.' These noble words, which you addressed to the Russians in 1830, must be repeated in the thick of the fight to all the Peoples of the crusades,
O all you Sclavonians, Latins, Germans, it is no longer a question of a particular interest, but of a principle,—we would almost say of a dogma, of the dogma of human solidarity. Your nationality will only reflourish with all the rest of the oppressed nationalities. The old map of Europe yet bears the ink-stain of Catherine: it is this map which must be remade. An alliance of Kings has consigned Poland to the tomb: an alliance of Peoples alone can break its lid.
The spirit of weariness and inertness the spirit of individualism and mistrust, -these are the two vices which you must labour to destroy, Employed by your aristocracy, they have done you mischief in the past: let the Polish People to constitute its future life, eradicate their very roots. Let every traditional hostility disappear from amongst us; let a grand moral fusion be worked out in one common holy idea; let the young nationality of the Peoples efface the old dynastic and aristocratic nationalism.
Races are now for us only the functionaries of Humanity. The hatred which fermented in the corrupted air of palaces, is unknown in the hovel of the poor, in the republican assembly composed of those who have been cradled in the same patriotic songs. The air which circulates amongst the ranks of the People bears with it not hatred but love.
Germans, Sclavonians, Latins, we have all but one single aim— Liberty, association, justice. To-day there are but two camps in Europe. Whosoever should attempt to raise a solitary tent between these two camps, would meet with vengeance on the one side, aban. donment and indifference on the other.
Poles, brothers ! aristocracy, the country of caste, has perished for you. It perished at Targowica. It is of that which Kosciusko spoke, if it is true that falling he exclaimed, 'Finis Poloniæ.' Arise to new life in equality, in the country of all, in the Nation; and every race, every people in Europe will hold out to you with enthusiasm a brotherly hand.
Does not Europe kuow indeed that you have brought a grand idea into the world—the federation of the Sclavonian Peoples. This idea appeared under Boleslaus the Great ; the aristocracy was unable to comprehend it. By its culpable inaction, it allowed the power of initiative, which this idea should have given you, to perish ; like every aristocracy, it centred its life within itself; if ever it departed from it, it was in an interest of egotism. Everywhere, abroad as at home, even in the Russian lands, the first halting-place of those barbarians who went, unconsciously, to receive the consecration of Rome, caste-nationality -by oppressing, tyrannizing, and stilling the popular inspiratiou-abdicated the grand mission of Poland : that grand mission must now be recommenced, through popular inspiration. The Peasant himself must at last realize that which Boleslaus the Great divined, b
We have said a federation of the Sclavonian nations, not Panslavism. Panslavism is a pantheistic unity; it is not the world of liberty, A monstrous conception—the issue of military despotism-and which all Europe would repulse: has it not been given the lie, in 1825, even on the banks of the Neva?c Panslavism is the Czar. It is not with him, but with the martyrs of Russian liberty— Pestel, Mouravieff, Bestuzeff, and their companions, that the Polish People can, and ought to link themselves.
What is now wanting to Poland ? An initiative. The day on which, fully understanding her mission, she shall take her place as an initiative people—that day she will be saved.
Poles ! wherefore should it not be thus ? Why should not the watchword of the Sclavonian world be given by you to-day? Why should not Warsaw be the Rome of the North, the centre and focus of the northern races, as Rome has been of those of the centre and the south? While France and Italy organize an alliance in the bosom of the Greco. Latin raees, while an inward thrill announces the approaching unification of the Germanic world, why should not Poland, united with the Ilungarians—her friends of old – in the name of the services she has already rendered to Europe, in the name of her long martyr. dom, send round the fiery cross of the last battle, the last watchword which shall resound even to the eastern shores of the Adriatic?
• Or Targovitsa, the name of a small town, where met the noble confederacy formed by the machinations of Catherine II against the Polish Diet.
• Boleslaus the Great, King of Poland, endeavoured to emancipate the serfs, for which the nobility sueeringly called him the Peasants' King.
© By the republican insurrection of Pestel and his companions.
For this all that is wanting is to will. To will strongly and unceasingly—to will in every and at every hour of the day-to will with love, sacrifice, and constancy. Will then, and onward! Europe begins to believe that you are exhausted by the struggle of 1830. Repeat to Europe the words of Reytan : _" There is no despot strong enough to crush me, nor artful enough to corrupt me.' For the Central European Democratic Committee,
LEDRU-ROLLIN-J. MAZZINI-A. DARASZ-A. Ruge-D. BRATIANO.
TO THE ITALIANS. The hour of deliverance is near ; from without as from within, everything conspires to hasten it.
From without the nations feel that henceforth their interest is closely allied to yours, that the Revolution will only triumph through the simultaneous explosion of all the peoples, and through their brotherly solidarity.
From within, never has implacable tyranny more efficaciously contributed to temper · men's minds, to fortify their souls, to penetrate them with the holy love of freedom.
In two years, political despotism and clerical despotism, protected by foreign bayonets, have renewed all the ferocious persecutions of the middle-ages ; at Rome, at Naples, at Milan, at Palermo, they have reigned only by means of spies, prisons, chains and gibbets. In two years they have managed to make of a generous people—full of clemency and magnanimity when it was master—a people of hatred and revenge. It is just the old time in all that it had of fratricidal and savage: the knife replies to the axe, the dagger to the musket.
A terrible proof, Italians! which you support with an heroic courage, because you know that the cause which stirs in Italy is not only that of your independence and your liberty, but that it is the cause of the very conscience of Humanity.
In the struggle commenced between light and darkness, between movement and immobility, between life and death, in fine between free thought and catholicism, it was necessary, in order to tear off all veils, to efface the last prestige, to edify timid spirits, pusillanimous consciences, that the papacy should be obliged to revert to its fatal law of religious anathema, of secular extermination ; it was necessary, to open all eyes, that it should talk of liberty in the midst of executioners as of old it spoke of mercy at the stake; that, in a word, the terrorism of dogma should anew be transported into the State. It was necessary that the haughty institution which had ruined, destroyed all the nations servilely bowed beneath its yoke, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Poland, Bohemia, Hungary, Austria, the republics of the middle ages and the southern republics of the New World, -should reign anew by means of punishment in order that from the revolted human mind might escape this cry of independence—No more theocracy, no more papal despotism; absolute, unlimited freedom of conscience!
The men who fell, in France, on the 13th of June, for the Italian Cause, understood this well; they thought not only of defending some varrow text of a constitution, nor even the more eminent principle of the solidarity of peoples; they had in their fall, together with a thought of the future, all the grand protest of the eighteenth century in favour of free thought. They knew well that a people enslaved in soul has never been seen to in
d Reytan was a member of the Polish Diet, of the time of Stanislaus Augustus and the Empress Catherine. He was a true and rigid republican ; and died of a broken heart, foreseeing the evils coming upon his country,
• Braliano is a Wallachian. During the brief revolution, in 1848, of the Danubian Principalities, he was his country's chargé d'affaires with the French Republic.
crease in political liberty, that the Revolution, the child of philosophy and of the right of inquiry, is irreconcilable with priestly orthodoxy.
Italians in this last crusade of the human mind against the monstrous oppressions of the past, you have a noble part to fulfil. When armed Europe shall say—No more Kings! it is from the Rome of the People should go forth this word of emancipationNo more Pope !--every member of the new city being, under the collective inspiration of his brethren, his own pope and his own king.
Thus on the same day shall be broken this power of evil which ander two names has trampled the world for so many ages,—this sword with two edges, one of them called theocracy and the other royalty.
To make the human conscience enter in full possession of itself, such, Italians! is the object next assigned to you as a nation in the common work of nations. Is not this a page worthy of your old epic? You have had the Rome of irresistible conquest ; the revived Rome of the Renaissance and the Arts: have now the Rome of religious freedom! Have this incomparable glory, that the theogonies, before which all has passed in this world, have in their turn suceessively passed before your Capitol yet standing. The day on which you shall have shaken off the dust of the tombs to enter into the new life, you will become a strong and great nation.
What need you, to attain this end, to be reborn for yourselves? Two things already half-accomplished.
To conquer your independence;
Already, hare you not known how to drive out the foreigner? Have you not already been masters from the Alps to the Sea? Wby should you not again?
At your need, there are your brethren who will come to your aid; the hands which are clasped in London are the pledge of the alliance of the peoples; and tho year which approaches, threatening for the old tyrannies, is for us pregnant with hopes and propitious occasions. Prepare yourselves therefore, and have confidence.
But independence once conquered, it can be durable only on condition of making of Itals but one sole body, from Palermo to the frontiers of France.
No federalism: complete and absolute political unity, homogeniety and adhesion.
It was the royal federalism which destroyed you in 1848. Condemned for ever at Milan and at Novarra, it will no more return. But beware equally of republican federalism. It would slay you with anarchy, as the other by the denial of the sovereignty of the people.
While in Italy there remains one king, one duke, one oppressor of men, no independence is possible. For a monarchy in your flanks is the leaven of discord. While a single element of separation shall subsist, it will tend by its very nature to subtract from the national thought, to fractionize the country, to enfeeble it, to introduce jealous rivalries and a foreign influence into its bosom.
Well! this second step toward brotherly fusion, toward a life at once collective and unitary, is not more difficult for you to make than was your first step toward independence. Vainly the enemies of your greatness say the contrary. It wills, it is able to be one, indivisible, the nation whose little parcelled lands, severally held by an impious calculation in age-long hatreds, had, in the midst of the torment of 1848, but one remembrance, that of the great and immortal country, one cry everywhere repeated, everywhere the sameViva l'Italia!
Constitute yourselves then in unity.
which the men you loved have for twenty years from afar made brilliant in your eyes ; that republican flag which they planted in the midst of the struggle, set up conquering on the summits of your monuments, bore with them into exile from their country, to bring back to morrow.
When the hour is come, beware of confounding two things essentially distinct: the combat and the victory, - Italy freeing herself, and Italy free.
Who knows better than you ? Italians ! that a combat against the foreigner can only be maintained by silencing the venal voices, the hostile voices, which would sow trouble and disorder in your ranks; that an insurrection attempted in the midst of foreigners can succeed only through strong and united action,
It is necessary then that, during the battle, one only power, invested with exceptional faculties, prompt as lightning, powerful as the People in action, should be called by the country to direct the struggle, until the moment when the People, emancipated and master of its own, can speak freely.
Doubt not, for fear of your liberty, this passing concentration. Have not you for guarantee this device, of which your national committee is the most vigilant guardian, and which resumes at once both your belief and your undeniable sovereignty: God and the People?
What can these two words of your symbol signify, if it is not No—more tyrants of either soul or body; priests or laymen; no more intermeddlers between the creator and the creature; communion of the same people in the exercise of its sovereign right, practised under the eye of God ?
What siguify they if they would not say—Living Equality : in other words, Republic of the People by the People and for the People ?
Ah! cursed be whosoever should have otherwise understood them: he would not be worthy to fight either for the Italian cause or for the sacred cause of Humanity. For the Central European Democratic Committee,
LEDRU-ROLLIN-J, MAZZINI–A. DARASZ-A. RUGE-D. BRATIANO.
We call the attention of our friends to the formation of a society similar in spirit to the ‘Peoples' International League,' only confined to one country:
THE SOCIETY OF THE FRIENDS OF ITALY: whose objects are
1. By public meetings, lectures, pamphlets, and the press—and especially by affording opportunities to the most competent authorities for the publication of standard works on the history of the Italian national movement—to provide materials for a correct public appreciation of the Italian question in this country.
2. To promote the same object, on fitting occasions, in Parliament,
3. And generally to aid, in this country, the cause of the Independence, the Unity, and the Political, Religious, and Commercial Liberty of Italy.
Offices of the Society, 10, Southampton Street, Strand, London.
THE INVISIBLE GOVERNMENT. The 'Invisible Government is an extensive and complete organization, pervading Italy, but more developed in Lombardy and Romagna, having for object Italian unity and independence, and possessing its funds, revenues, arms, soldiers, agents, and police; mysterious and unfailing in operation as the Vehmgericht of the middle ages. The whole nation seems conspiring; three out of four individ