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uals in Rome and the chief parts of Romagna are enlisted in this society, and daily proofs are afforded that the conspiracy pervades every department of the state, the police, the army, the post-office, and the very antechambers of the Vatican. It has its regular press, distributing thousands of its flying sheets with all the regularity which attends the delivery of a London paper; yet so extensive are the ramifications of complicity, that neither press, printer, writers, nor distributors, have ever yet been seized. No arrest is ever effected which has been a few hours preconcerted, and no denunciation is made without the name of the denunciator transpiring, so accurate and extensive is the knowledge of the Invisible Government. Its levies in Romagna are regimented and officered, and its revenues in the form of a national loan are regularly levied to meet its current expenses and provide a store of arms and ammunition for the day of insurrection.

From a Correspondent of the Daily News.

THE PEACE CONGRESS. has again been sitting-upon its addled egg. We could pity the imbecility of amiable fanatics; but it is not pity which we owe to a mischievous Jesuitisn. What is the meaning of this peace-resolution, moved by Mr. Cobden ?

* That the standing armaments with which the Governments of Europe menace each other amid professions of mutual friendship and confidence, being a prolific source of social immorality, financial embarassment, and national suffering, while they excite constant disquietude and irritation among the nations, this congress would earnestly urge upon the Governments the imperative necessity of entering upon a system of international disarmament.' There are two falsehoods insinuated in this one sentence: the first that Governments are not at friendship with each other, the second that nations are in a constant state of irritation against each other. And these two falsehoods are put forth as the basis of the peace folly, which is a recommendation to Governments to commit suicide. We say falsehoods, because at least the mover of the resolution knows well that all the present Governments, our own included, are perfectly in accord, and that they maintain their armaments as a police to keep down the peoples, who have no quarrels save those fermented by their rulers. Here is another disingenuousness, fitly proposed by pious Mr. Henry Vincent.

*This congress, believing that the intervention, by threatened or actual violence, of one country in the internal politics of another, is a frequent cause of bitter and desolating wars, maintains that the right of every State to regulate its own affairs should be held absolute and inviolate.' This is the justification of England's abandonment of Rome and Hungary, under cover of a regard to the right of every State to regulate its own affairs.' A most despicable piece of humbug!

Honest men ! and practical withal. Witness their resolution to convert the Haynaus and Palmerstons by providing, or rather proposing, new toys for the rising generation. Instead of having its tyrannous propensities fostered by 'boxes of soldiers,' it shall learn the very best peace-principles from little models of factories, full of the smallest possible children, worked by steam. And some ex-murderer, like M. Girardin, shall preach to it on Sundays. Why not invite Szela and any Irish depopulator' to begin, at once ? Or rather some wordier mill-owning friend, who can explain the machinery of the toy.

THE LANSDOWNE MURDER. At the Tralee Assizes, an Irish peasant and his wife have just been sentenced to two years imprisonment for the manslaughter of their nephew, a lad of twelve years old. They had flung him out on the high road, hand-tied and starving, to die at their door, because their landlord, the most noble Marquis of Lansdowne, had prohibited the barbouring of any of the family of one evicted, under pain of the harbourer losing his holding and forfeiting one year's rent. Landlord law!

NOTIONS OF LIBERTY. Thirteen years ago, one Luxmoor, a blacksmith of Devonshire, having shown symptoms of insanity, his father caused a ring at the end of a chain some seven or eight feet long to be riveted firmly on his leg; the end of the chain carried through the floor of his bedroom, and made fast to a beam below. Afterwards a cell was built for him, seven feet long, between four and five feet wide, seven feet high, boarded entirely and overhead. There was a sort of a framework of a bed with the legs cut off, so that it rested on the floor. The cell had a small aperture, about a foot square, with iron bars to it. In this den chained like a mangy wolf,' on a little stinking straw, stark naked, and never cleaned, the unfortunate man remained for thirteen years before the State took notice of his position. The whole neighbourhood, including the magistrates, knew of it. The curate was in the habit of visiting the family, saw the lunatic, looked upon his treatment as 'not improper.'. After all there was no cruel intention. They knew not what else to do with him. Nevertheless, at the last assizes at Exeter, a jury very properly condemned the man's brother-in-law, who had been his keeper for the last four years.

Luxmoor has been taken to an asylum, has been washed, and dressed, and treated like a human being; and he is found to be perfectly harmless, if not so wise as his fellows.

But upon what ground is the verdict right, and the State's interference justifiable ? Not on any ground of political economy. The man was worthless, and his family very commendably (on the economic theory) kept him off the parish or the county. Society has interfered on the ground of a violation of human liberty. Liberty then must consist in something more than in being let alone, the strong let to exploit or crush the weak. Individuals are not to be left to the mercy of individuals. They are the charge of society. That is acknowledged, even by our present laws, in the case of the insane and imbecile. It is always difficult to draw a line. And yet we must ask why the sane should be less cared for than the insane. We put this to the utilitarian, who can not fail to perceive how we let alone the most valuable of our social materials. But will not this law of the State caring for its members lead directly to the Republic ?'

THE ECCLESIASTICAL TITLES BILL. The one Act of the British Parliament of 1851 has become law, and furnishes further proof of the vagueness of men's ideas of freedom. The son of the Duke of Norfolk is elected for Limerick as the champion of religious freedom; and shows his free spirit by kneeling publicly on the bustings to kiss the priest's foot. One wishes the priest had kicked him, if only proving to what freedoms a cur can submit. This is the religious freedom' which so interests our 'liberals." *But has not a man a right to follow his own conscience ?' Not into slavery; which is a crime. Do we then approve this Bill? By no means; it is worthless and falsely based. The real ground of action was the interference of a foreign power with the internal management of this country; a declaration of war against the English people, which should have been answered politically, even though by war. Suppose here a Russian Church, whose chief tenet is the divinity of the Czar. The Czar through his priests, interferes with the conduct of the English, or Irish, people, beginning with the education of our youth; commands that our allegiance shall be such as was rendered by the Christians to Nero,—that is to say, the least possible ; that we shall not submit to the

Godless' teachings of the State, but learn from his representatives to prostrate our souls and bodies before him. All this meddling of a foreign power-say Lord Arundel, Mr. Bright, Mr. Roebuck, Mr. Miall, Mr. John O'Connell, and Mr. W. J. Fox—is not political, but purely religious, a matter of sectarian con. science, and the State can have nothing to do with it. When the Cossacks land at Dover, or at least till then, you can safely appeal to the loyalty of the Russian Church. Say Romish for Russian, and how stands the argument ? O, the Pope has no Cossacks, and so'political interference ceases to be political.

INDICATIONS. And here are facts, indicating the nature of the liberty-religious, political, and social which we so much enjoy.'

RELIGIOUS LIBERTY :-Irish Catholics of all ranks banding against the Government, because that Government pretends to interfere with their right to be ruled by a miserable foreigner, the tool of the uncatholic Czar. So the Archbishops will defy the Law.' H. B. catholic as he is, might picture the whole affair, scarcely caricatured, in a sparring-match between Wiseman and Tresham Gregg, John Bright backing the Cardinal, and Lord John bottleholder to the Protestant.

POLITICAL LIBERTY:--Mr. Jacob Bell, in virtue of his not being a Jew, elects himself, by dint of bribery, member of Parliament for St. Albans; sits and honestly legislates accordingly. The House of Commons offers a reward for the apprehension of his accomplices. The rascals have only to keep out of the way till the Session closes. Then they return home merrily, there being no power to interfere with them.

SOCIAL LIBERTY :-Nine wretehes, whom we dare not even speak of as brutes, in one night, all in turn, monstrously outraged a poor sick woman who had fallen into their power.

What satisfaction is it to justice, to society, or to the yet living victim, that five of these miscreants are sent to one of our colonies ? Is nothing else due even to the hapless woman, whom society left to the chance of meeting anywhere with so horrible a fate? That nine such members of society.' could be found together,--that such an abomination could be possible,-is sulticient condemnation of Society. For what pains, preventive or educational, bave been taken by Society? Answer, ye who call yourselves 'maintainers of order '! Such order! Think that by some hideous accident even Ladyrespectable Mrs. or Miss

might have been the abused, instead of only a poor work-woman, for whom none cares, except God. Think of this, ye who send missions to the heathen! ye who preach peace to the despots of the East !

Is this a time to talk complacently of the easy virtues of Royalty; of the gracefulness of a London Corporation studying new indigestions at Paris; or of the admirable success of the Exhibition of 1851 ? Send there those nine specimens of your work, that the world may see to what perfection of civilization your royal and constitutional government' has led us; and then curse the hope of the Republic, repeating your old cry of Glory to Anarchy in the Highest !

And do thou, virtuous well-wisher to Freedom! content thyself over thy wine with some 'subscription' toward a remedy, or the genteeler advocacy of some sanatory improvement' for your Sodom!" There is no pressing occasion to disturb thee.' Things will right themselves.

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Your first duties, not as to time, but in importance, are toward Humanity. You have duties as citizens, as sons, as husbands, and as fathers : sacred and inviolable duties, upon which we shall enlarge : but what renders those duties sacred and inviolable is the mission, the Duty, which your nature as men commands you. You are Fathers to educate men in the worship and development of the Law of God. You are Citizens, you have a Country, to enable you, easily, in a limited sphere, with the concurrence of a race already bound to you by language, by tendency, by habits, to work for the benefit of all men who are and will be; which you could ill do, alone and weak, lost in the immense number of your fellow-creatures ! They who in teaching you morality limit the notion of your duties to the family or the country, teach you a more or less restricted selfishness, and lead you into barm both for others and for yourselves. Country and Family are as two circles set within a larger oue; as two rounds of a ladder without which you cannot climb higher, but upon which you are not permitted to stop.

You are men,—that is, reasonable, sociable, and capable of a progress to which none can assign limits. These are the characteristics constituting human nature, which distinguish you from all other beings that surround you, and which are confided to each of you, as seed to produce fruit. All your life ought to tend to the exercise and ordained development of these fundamental faculties of your nature. Whenever you suppress or suffer to be suppressed any one of these faculties, wholly or in part, you descend from the rank of men to that of the inferior animals, and you violate the law of your life, the Law of God.

You descend to the rank of the brute and violate the Law of God whenever you suppress or allow to be suppressed any one of the faculties that constitute human nature in yourselves or in others. God wills not that his Law should be fulfilled in you alone,—if God had willed this only, he would have created you to be alone,-but that it should be fulfilled on earth among men, by all the beings whom he created in bis own image. What He wills is, that the Thought of perfection and of love by him set in the world should reveal itself, and shine, more and more adored and realized. Your earthly individual existence, limited both by time and faculty, cannot realize it but most imperfectly and by flashes. Humanity alone, continued through generations, and through the intellect which is nourished by that of all its members, can at once unfold that divine thought, and apply and glorify it. God has therefore given you lise, that you may employ

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it for the benefit of Humanity,—that you may direct your individual faculties towards the development of the faculties of your brethren,--that you may add by your work some element to the collective work of improvement, and of the discovery of Truth, which the generations slowly but continually promote. You ought to educate yourselves and to educate others, to perfect yourselves and to perfect others. God is in you,—doubt it not: but God is likewise in all men who with you people this earth; God is in the life of all the generations which were, are, and shall be, which have improved, and will progressively inprove the conception that Humanity is composed of Him, of bis law, and of our Duties. You ought to worship and glorify him wherever He is. The universe is his Temple. And every unwithstood, unexpiated profanation of the Temple of God, recoils upon all who believe in him. Little matters it that you may call yourselves pure: for should you even-by isolating yourselves-remain so, you still betray your duties, if at two steps from you is corruption and you do not seek to combat it. Little matters it that in your soul you worship Truth: you still betray your duties if error governs your brethren in another corner of this earth which is our common mother; and you desire not, nor attempt by every effort in your power, to overthrow it. The image of God has been disfigured in the immortal souls of your fellow-creatures. God would be worshipped in his Law, and his Law is misunderstood, violated, denied around you. Human nature has been falsified in millions of men, to whom as to you, God confided the harmonious accomplishment of his design. And you, remaining inert, still dare to call yourselves believers ?

A People—the Greek, the Pole, the Circassian-rises, under the banner of country and independence; fights, conquers, or dies for it. What is it that makes your heart beat at the story of their battles, that uplifts it with joy at their victories, that saddens it at their fall ?-A man, a countryman or a foreigner, lifts himself up in the midst of the general silence, in some corner of the earth; he gives utterance to certain ideas which he believes to be true, maintains them through persecution and in chains, and dies on the scaffold, without having abjured them. Why do you honour him with the name of a Saint, and of a Martyr ? Why do you respect and cause your children to respect his memory? Why do you read with aridity the miracles of patriotism registered in Grecian Stories, and repeat them to your children with a sense of pride, as if they were the stories of your own country ? Those Grecian facts are two thousand years old, and belong to an uncivilized epoch, which neither is nor ever

That man whom you call Martyr died perhaps for ideas which are not yours, and by his death cut off every path leading to his own individual progress.

That People you admire in its victory and in its fall is a People foreign to you, and perhaps almost unknown, speaking a different language, and its mode of existence not visibly influencing yours: what matters it then to you who rules it, whether the Sultan, or the King of Bavaria, the Russian, or a government issuing from the consent of the nation ? But in your heart is a voice crying: Those men who lived two thousand years before you, those populations which now fight far distant from you, that martyr for ideas for which you die not, --were and are your brethren: brethren not only by community of

will be yours.

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