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project of pushing on to support him. He was about, says M. Medici, fone of the worthiest of the many heroes whom Italy has proved in the last two years :
“He was about to quit Bergamo to proceed by a forced march to Monza, when we saw appear in the midst of us, his musket on his shoulder, Mazzini, who demanded to make cne, as a private soldier, in the legion which I commanded, and which formed the van. guard of the division of Garibaldi. A general acclamation saluted the great Italian, and the legion unanimonsly confided to him its Flag, which bore written upon it the words God and the People.
‘Hardly was the arrival of Mazzivi known in Bergamo, when the population hurried to see him. They crowded round him, they begged him to speak. His speech should dwell in the memory of all who heard him. He recommended them to erect barricades, to defend the the town in case of attack during our march upon Milan, and whatever might happen, always to love Italy and never to despair of its salvation. His words were greeted with enthusiasm, and the column set off in the midst of marks of the liveliest sympathy.
“The march was very fatiguing. The rain fell in torrents; we were soaked to the very bones. Although habitnated to a life of study, and scarcely built for the violent exercise of a forced march, especially in such bad weather, his serenity and confidence were never diminished for an instant, and, notwithstanding our remonstrances, for we feared for his kealth, he would neither stop nor abandon the column. It even happened that, seeing one of our youngest Voluateers slightly habited, and without any defence against the rain and the sudden chilling of the temperature, he forced him to accept his cloak and to cover himself with it.
Arrived at Monza, we learned the fatal news of the capitulation of Milan; and that a very numerous body of Austrian Cavalry had been sent against us and was already at the opposite gates of Monza.
'Garibaldi, much inferior in force, not wishing to expose his little corps to certain and useless destruction, gave orders to fall back upon Como, and placed me with my column in the rear, to cover the retreat.
*For the young Volunteers, who asked only to fight, the order for retreat was a signal of discouragement; and so it was made from the beginning with some disorder. Happily it was not the same with my rear-guard column. From Monza even to Como this column, always pursued by the enemy, threatened every instant with being over#belmed by very superior forces, never flinched, remained united and compact, showing itself always ready to repel every attack, and by its bold countenance and good order compelled the enemy to respect it during the whole passage.
'In this march, full of danger and difficulty, in the midst of a continual alarm, the strength of soul, the intrepidity, the decision which Mazzini possesses in so remarkable a degree, and of which he afterwards gave so many proofs at Rome, never failed him, and excited the admiration of the bravest. His presence, his words, the example of his courage, animated with such enthusiasm these young soldiers, who besides were prond of sharing so many dangers with him, that it was determined, by Mazzini the first, in case of combat, to perish one and all in defence of the faith of which he had been the apostle and whose martyr he was ready to become; and contributed very much to maintain that order and that resolute attitude which saved the rest of the division.
"These few details are too honourable to the character of Mazzini to be allowed to remain unknown. His conduct has been for us, who were witnesses of it, a proof that to the great qualities of the citizen Mazzini joins the courage and intrepidity of the soldier.'
In a note appended to the tenth chapter of République et Royauté en Italie.'
On the 4th of August Milan capitulated. Further resistance was hopeless. From Como Mazzini crossed the Alps to Lugano, in the Italian Canton of Tessin; only two or three friends a accompanying him, and walking forty miles in one night. At Lugano he remained till the flight of the Grand Duke of Tuscany on the 7th of February (imitating the Papal flight of November 4th) called him to Florence. Here he was elected a deputy and a member of the Provisional Government; and in the former capacity sent to Rome, to carry the adhesion of Tuscany to the Roman Republic. There, elected to the Triumvirate, his conduct has been manifest to the world. The official acts of the Republic from the day of his election, the 29th of March, to the 2nd of July, when Rome, ler last cartridge spent, ceased her heroic but unavailing resistance against the cowardly assailants who dared only to bombard the City,—will remain an everlasting monument to his capacity as a ruler and statesman, his magnanimity as a man, For some thirty days of the siege, his food was little more than bread and coffee ; his clothes were never taken off. It seemed as if his heroic spirit was sufficient to sustain him. He slept only at such intervals as he could snatch between the constant emergencies of his work, and the continual thronging around him of the population, native and foreign, who came to him even for personal consolation. One English family will recollect how he spared time to show them the city defences from the palace top, and to soothe their fears. His noble forbearance towards the enemy, his cool decision with troublesome friends, his dignified bearing in the extremity of defeat, were alike worthy of his glorious nature. When the French officers were released by him, he moved them even to tears. They were ready to throw themselves on his neck or at his feet, swearing eternal gratitude. Cowardly scoundrels! with but one or two noble exceptions, they were among the first to parade through Rome, on their shameful day of 'victory. Once a band of demagogues demanded an interview with him, to require the removal of the military staff. He saw them, heard patiently their request. From whom did they come ?' he asked. “The People.' 'He was the servant of the People; but not their slave. If the People trusted him, well and good, he would do his best: if not, they could withdraw the authority with which they had invested him. But when they said the People,-by how many were they deputed ?' 'Some few hundreds. Well, some few hundreds were not the People : but he was ready to hear even a few of the People. Who were the Members of the Military Staff which they desired to remove, and what were their reasons against them ?' The complainants did not even know who constituted the Staff, their objections were only general; they found they were in error, and retired. When the French at last ventured into the City, Mazzini, to prove that his power had not been maintained by terror, and also to observe the bearing of bis Romans, walked unarmed and unprotected for some days through the streets, till his friends told him he was mad. But no man touched him. Even the French soldiers were awed by the sublime spectacle of that pale, worn, greyhaired man (his black hair grizzled with the last month's anxiety and toil) passing through them, like the Ghost of the Republic, severe and silent, his very patience, like a martyr's endurance, rebuking the murderers. He left Rome without a
One of them a young Italian artist of great promise, Scipione Pistrucci, who left London to share Mazzini's fortunes.
passport, confided himself to the captain of an Italian merchant vessel, (he had been offered protection by an English naval officer, true-hearted enough, despite the 'service,' to sympathize with the Republican), and so reached Marseilles ; escaped the vigilance of the French authorities, and passed to Lausanne, where his noble young friend and fellow Triumvir—Saffi, and others of the exiles, joined him. Here he immediately commenced the monthly publication of his 'Italia del Popolo' (Italy of the People) which continues to now. He had published a daily paper under the same title at Milan, during the last days of the Lombard movement, Here too, in Switzerland, he wrote his crushing ‘Letter to M. M. de Tocqueville and de Falloux, Ministers of France ;' and also the ‘Letter to M. de Montalembert' (the ex-peer and jesuit): convicting these men and their employers of the most dastardly lies against Rome, and vindicating himself and his party from the aceusations of the “Moderates.' While in Lausanne, an endeavour was made by some emissaries of the present King of Sardinia to obtain possession of his person. It failed through the trustworthiness of the Italian exiles whom they had hoped to seduce.
In 1850, he gave to the world a pamphlet entitled “Le Pape au dix-neuvième Siècle (The Pope in the Nineteenth Century); and 'République et Royauté en Italie' (Republicanism and Royalty in Italy): the first written in French, the last in Italian.' The first work, resuming the history of the Papacy, shows the necessity of religious reform, and that the initiative lies with Italy; explains the intention of the formula—God and the People; and declares the need of the Constituent Assembly and the Council to replace the Prince and the Pope of past time.
'National Sovereignty is the remedy uuiversally accepted to save society from the absence of all authority, from anarchy. The Sovereignty of the Church—and by Church we mean the people of believers—ought to save society from the absence of all principle, of all religious authority.'
The other work is a most eloquent and lucid history, supported by extracts from the diplomatic correspondence published by our House of Commons, of the events in Lombardy, from the first outbreak at Milan to the capitulation.
During last year he passed some months in England; and at that time aided bis Polish and French friends in the formation of the Central European Democratic Committee,-preparatory to the renewal of the war with Monarchy. His thoughts and style may be easily traced in the manifestos of the Committee.
His latest public act was the putting forth a requisition for an Italian Loan of £250,000, for the next Italian Campaign.
His hope and courage are unshaken. He comes out of the fire with indeed martyr-scars upon his life, and crowned with the premature grey-hair of sorrow; he has suffered immensely: but he will live to behold the freedom of his Italy, to be the ruler of the Italian Republic.
* Translated into French by Madame Sand. Since into English in the numbers of the 'Red Republican,'-now the Friend of the People, published by S. Y. Collins, 113, Fleet Street, London. A complete edition in one volume has also been published by C. Gilpin, 5, Bishopsgate Street Without, London.
In the enumeration of Mazzini's works in this article, there is no attempt at a complete catalogue. All that can be done here is to give a broad idea of the character and extent of his labours. We have neither means uor room at the present time to do more.
THE CENTRAL EUROPEAN DEMOCRATIC COMMITTEE.
He humanitarian idea—the idea of the organization of men in nations and
of nations in the brotherhood of Humanity-owns as its chief Apostle
Joseph Mazzini. Not that the thought originated with him; but that he formulized it so practicably that it could be adopted as a political dogma, a creed for immediate realization. Others, indeed, have prophesied of Humanity, but he first preached its Gospel. The first actual step toward the Holy Alliance of the Peoples, as brothers under God, was made by Mazzini in 1834, when he founded, at Berne, in Switzerland, the Association of “Young EUROPE.' Into the causes which induced the failure of this attempt we need not enter now. 1848, the year of revolutions, found the insurgent peoples without organization or mutual understanding; and the defeat of the armies of Liberty, one by one, was the necessary consequence of their disunion. In the beginning of last year the ‘Polish Democratic Centralization’ saw an opportunity for renewing the old endeavour; and, in conjunction with the French and Italian Exiles, founded the ‘CENTRAL EUROPEAN DEMOCRATIC COMMITTEE.'
The Committee consists of four members, with power to add to their number as they receive adhesions : Mazzini, as acknowledged chief of the Italian national party,-Lédru Rollin, as head of the French Republicans,—Albert Darasz, the delegate of the Polish Democratic Centralization, and Arnold Ruge, 6 representative of Republican Germany.
Their first public act was to issue an Address to the Peoples e (dated from London, July 22nd, 1850), on the Organization of Democracy, -concisely stating the broad principles upon which their union is based, the common ground upon which, in the name of Republican Europe, they summon the Peoples to assemble, to renew the combat with Monarchy. Since then they have issued the following: "To the Peoples,' To the Germans,' To the Armies of the Holy Alliance of Kings,' an appeal to the Democracy of Europe with regard to the Loan to be raised for Italy, and an address to those National Committees which have signified their adhesion to the principles of the central body. We give these documents at full length. They are the first state-papers of the Federation of European Republics.
1 The name by which is known the executive and directing Central Committee of the Polish Democratic Society, which is nothing but the Polish Democratic party openly organized among the Emigrants, of whom it comprizes a majority, but extending in large ramifications over the country, through its emissaries and publications.
6 M. Ruge was the friend and coadjutor of Simon of Trèves, of Robert Blum, and others of the Extreme Lest in the Frankfort Parliament; that is to say of the really republican party in Germany. He was also among those who attempted to rally the republican remains of that Parliament, at Stuttgardt.
Given at page 6 of E. R.
TO THE PEOPLES. We have summoned European Democracy to manifest its existence, that is to say, to organize itself. We have indicated the common ground on which organization is possible; our thought has been understood. Let the men of good will, who from all parts of Europe have hastened to give their adhesion to the work of concentration which we have under taken, accept here our thanks.
As for those who, penetrated by the same idea, ask us by what means they may realize it, this we will endeavour to tell them, having regard to the diverse conditions of liberty in which different countries are placed.
Let us again specify the object :
Just as in the heart of every state the question is to represent, while harmonizing them, both individuality and association, or, in other terms, liberty and authority, so the question for every general democratic organization is to represent, in harmonizing them, nationality and alliance, Country and Humanity. Without the conciliation of these two elements there can be only despotism and anarchy: we would have neither the one nor the other,
Terrified at the international struggles which mark with blood, at every step, the history of Humanity,-confounding the narrow nationalism of royal races with the nationality of free and equal Peoples, there were, in the last century, men who sought to efface the national idea under some sort of vague cosmopolitanism. So they placed the individual feeble and isolated in front of the humanitarian problem, and proclaimed the end while sappressing every means of obtaining it. It was an exaggerated, but inevitable, reaction against a system which falsified the parent-idea of nationality by substituting for it the hostile interests of certain princely families.
The parent-idea of nationality is the organization of Humanity by means of homogenous groups, looking toward the accomplishment of a common duty. Progress of all, development for good of all the forces imparted to the human race.
A workman in the vast workshop of the world, each people represents, by the aptitudes and tendencies which are peculiar to it, a special function in the work, -whose end is identical, whose means are various. It is acknowledged by other peoples, it is loved by them, according to the measure of what it accomplishes for the advantage of all. It is toward Humanity, what the distribution of labour is in production.
The detinition of the common duty belongs to all; it is the charter of Humanity; and a day will come in which it shall be elaborated at a congress composed of all the representatives of free peoples. Freedom of choice as to means belongs to each people. This is the charter of nations, and can only be indicated by them. Under the inspiration of the general thought, each will determine for itself the special mission reserved for it in the world.
These are the foundations upon whiel the organization of Democracy should be based.
Every organization whose object is the conquest of the future ought to represent that future in its essential conditions.
It is necessary then, in order that the organization may be complete, that in the heart of every nation, upon the common ground which we have pointed oat, and while at the same time pursuing the study of special questions-economic or social, there should be undertaken a work of bringing together, of fusing the fractions of the democratic party. From this inner labour should proceed a National Committee, the veritable and regular expression of the wants, the wishes, and the general tendencies of the country.
It is then that the delegates of the National Committees will constitute the CENTRAL COMMITTEE of the Democracy of Europe.
It must be well understood that the men who at present form this Committee, the men who sign these collective appeals, consider themselves only as precursors. If they have agreed