And the first of his vassals, this emperor of Austria, but yesterday a child, who has steeped his crown in blood, at Vienna as at Pesth, at Milan as at Venice and at Brescia,— would he reign a day, an hour, if every one of you, Poles, Italians, Hungarians, Austrians, should render yourselves to your own flag, the true flag of honour?

They have been careful, we know, to take you to a distance from your hearths. It is Hungary which guards Italy; it is Austria which watches over disarmed Hungary; the Italians front the Germans; and Poland, that feeds the armies of its three oppessors, is cast away upon Siberia and Caucasus. They hope thus to remove you from the memories of your families, of your cradles; they mean thus to make use of your age-long rancours, your prejudices, which these despotisms have nourished, and, one by the other, to insure the subjugation of all.

But as if an invisible hand compelled your tyrants to bring you together, you will soon be separated only by the fires of your bivouacs. You can, you ought then to frustrate their machiavelian combinations. Your Country and Humanity command this, for there is but one daty for men as for peoples, for soldiers as for citizens, whether they groan under foreign oppression or, oppressed themselves, become the instruments of oppression: that duty is to be free and to love one another.

Be then as brothers, all you who bear, with the weight of military servitude, the remembrance of a captive country. Even if you are of races hereto enemies, through communicating together in a hatred for tyranny, in the love of freedom, you ought to unite yourselves against the common enemy. Let your hands be joined, your hearts respond to cach other; from the detachment to the battalion, from the tent to the camp, let a mysterions and sympathetic net-work extend itself; and soon the army of despotism shall be the army of freedom.

And if, the isolation, the pitiless rigours of discipline, thwarting your efforts,—you can not organize the revolution in the camp, nor revolt in broad day, then fearlessly desert, one by one, ten by ten,- -What matters ?-But above all, desert not without your arms, for they will be needed for the conquest of independence.

Do not be stayed by the disgrace which the doctrine of passive obedience attaches to those who break their military oath. Soldiers of your Country and of Humanity! know you when it is that you desert? It is when you chain your reason and your courage to the orders of an unjust thought. On the contrary, it is a return under the flag of hopear, when you break these engagements imposed by force, and sanctioned by falsehood.

If a general insurrection, if desertion in masses, are impossible for you, well then! instead of smiting those whom they call your enemies, but who are your brothers, die rather as martyrs. History will recollect your names and will honour your obscure devotion, equally with the most splendid actions.

German Soldiers!-you who ought to have but one object-that of creating the great German Nation,-will you serve the cause of kings, to betray your common mother? Recollect that, conquerors or conquered, slavery awaits you. Shall it then be in vain that generous Germany has armed all her children? Oh! doubtless, those who, having long cowered under the military yoke, have forgotten their country and their home, to make themselves the janissaries of tyranny, will keep their hearts cold and their hands firm to deal death agrecably to a barbarous order. But now it is the whole nation which is aroused, with its masculine genius, with its invincible horror of slavery. There we meet once more that noble youth which, at Vienna, at Berlin, at Stuttgardt, at Baden, at Rastadt, fought for liberty. Can the homicidal traditions of the barracks prevail against the magnanimous inspirations of so many free and valiant hearts?

There too we meet again the glorious wrecks of the phalanxes of Hungary and of

D

Poland, with the sons of unhappy Italy. Soldiers of Liberty! will you strike the martyrs?

Ah, rather organize, from camp to camp, the holy conspiracy which we preach to the soldiers assembled under the same flag. Mingle your ranks, and lift from out your hearts fraternally united one vast cry of enfrachisement.

And yon, soldiers of the Prussian landwehr! would you trust this king who has been ten times traitor to his oaths, after having knelt before the triumphant revolution, after having bareheaded saluted the corpses of the people fallen under the bullets of his satellites? No! no! Sentence is pronounced against him and against his race; its execution may not be delayed. He and his, have they not always covenanted with the Russian despot, even as they are doing now?

You hold in your hands the destinies of Germany. Do not then lay down your arms till the Republic shall be proclaimed.

Lastly, do you all, Soldiers of the Holy Alliance of kings, remember the sublime example lately given you by the Hessian army, in which there was not to be found one officer to put down the legitimate resistance of a people strong in its right. Do you remember this: every one of them broke his sword in order that he might not fail in his duty as a citizen; and yet there has been no blood shed.

Soldiers of the Holy Alliance! do not forget: your enemies are in the palaces of kings. Know you how to will, and the criminal projects of absolutism shall have served only to found the liberty of all peoples, the universal Republic

LEDRU-ROLLIN-JOSEPH MAZZINI-A. DARASZ-ARNOLD RUGE.

The following document refers to the loan of £400,000, to furnish material for the renewal of the war of Italian independence.

THE CENTRAL EUROPEAN DEMOCRATIC COMMITTEE,

Having examined the documents relative to the loan of ten millions of francs, put forth by the Italian National Committee,

Considering that

'The men of all countries are brothers, and that the several peoples ought to aid each other, according to their ability, even as citizens of the same state;

"That whoever oppresses a single nation declares himself the enemy of all;

That kings, aristocrats, tyrants, whatever they may be, are slaves in revolt against the sovereign of the earth, which is Mankind, and against the lawgiver of the universe, which is Nature; (ROBESPIERRE, Declaration of Rights.).

Considering that Italy which has proclaimed and heroically defended her independence, is now attempting a supreme effort to reconquer it;

That her cause is doubly holy,—that it interests all the peoples whose sovereignty is already attempted or threatened by the coalition of kings,-that it interests the universal conscience, at which the papacy, that eternal instrument of despotism, has just thrown a new and audacious defiance;

Decrees:

ONE ONLY ARTICLE.-The Italian National Loan is placed under the safeguard of the European democracy.

Until its reimbursement by the Roman Republic, it shall be acknowledged by all the peoples who recover their independence.

In the name of that which is most sacred-Liberty, the men of all countries, who own a free soul, are invited to subscribe to it.

Resolved, November 27th, 1850.

For the Central European Democratic Committee,

LEDRU-ROLLIN-JOSEPH MAZZINI-ALBERT DARASZ-ARNOLD RUGE.

Under the head of Archives and correspondence of the 'Central European Democratic Committee,' in the Voice of the Proscribed (Voix du Proscrit) of December 8th, appears the following account of progress already made. "The Central Committee has already received numerous adhesions,-among which we may mention those of the Committee of Young Austria, the Centralizing Committee of Germany, the Polish Democratic Committee, and the Central Committee of the Democratic Association of Holland. It need hardly be said that the Italian Committee acts in perfect accord with the CENTRAL COMMITTEE. It will be seen that the Central Committee makes way, that its appeals find a potent echo in Young Europe. Our last document is the reply of the Committee to these Associations.

TO THE ITALIAN, POLISH, GERMAN, AUSTRIAN AND
DUTCH COMMITTEES.

At

Brothers! Events have justified your previsions, and ours: the despots understand each other. the spirit which animated their armies, at the commotion which was manifest in their ranks, at the desertions already commencing, they have comprehended that at the first shock the ground would tremble beneath their feet, and that from its open depths would burst forth Liberty.

But, you have said it, Brothers! terrified at the power which might suddenly explode in their hands, they renounce violence, to ask of craft the accomplishment of their liberticidal pact.

In the phases of this new evolution, it is necessary, then, that the Democracy should be more than ever upon its guard, in order to seize the first propitious moment.

It is, in fact, for the execution of the tyrants' projects against the bourgeoisie that we should wait; and everywhere already, that execution begins.

To speak only of Prussia, is it not known that if the Berlin Assembly is not yet definitively dissolved, it is because they dread the explosion of popular feeling? To-day adjourned, it will a little later be completely driven out. Thus, in the States of Germany, all political compacts will be successively torn. An uniform silence, the silence of death, will overhang this vast land of thought; for it is not only beyond 1848 that the despots desire to retrograde,—it is beyond 1830, and 1815, the epochs of charters and transactions; it is even to the middle ages that they meditate carrying back the Peoples: under the imbecile domination of priests and kings.

Brothers! you have also said, and with reason, the madness of their projects, the very enormity of their attempts, is the certain pledge of our victory: the Democracy,—that is to say all which tends to equality and which springs toward a better future,-the Democracy henceforth having no more to struggle alone.

The tyrants, in their giddiness, have they not set foot upon the bourgeoisie itself, on

that bourgeoisie which had attempted to shelter its egotism and its power under the fragile barriers of a powerless liberalism. They have known how to rally it to us by the imminence of a common peril; they have known how to strengthen our cause in oppressing all at once. Now then, there is on the one side bu men, all brothers, combating for Liberty, and on the other tyrants resolved to annihilate it.

Yes, brothers, even as you happily remark, in all parts our idea is propagated and increases. Let us rejoice at this great result, but let us not be dazzled by it. It presents a danger. In fact, seeing progress marching with the rapidity of lightning, how many men, assured of its triumph, slumber in an easy and culpable quietude, leaving everything to the future, as if nothing was done, so long as something remains to be done, as if we should only expect from our enemies the success of our holy cause. Ah, no doubt, it is not the idea which is wanting to day; it is virility. What is wanting is that which pushed our fathers into action, the manly courage which multiplies itself in proportion to the resistance, perseverance, and audacity. Our fathers were less talkers and more soldiers. They felt that the forehead becomes accustomed to bear patiently the yoke which a single effort could break.

Brothers! do not forget: the hand which strikes the bourgeoisie,—that hand which opens the door of revolutions, already begins to weigh upon it.

Yet a blow, it is the favourable occasion, it is the augury of deliverance; to-morrow, perhaps, we ought to be ready.

In 1847 it was from an imperceptible point of the Mediterranean that the signal went forth. Then, however, all was calm and tranquil; whilst now, in all places, the Revolution boils. Who can point out the elected people among whom it shall first leap forth to open day.

Happy, above all, that which shall be first visited by the Genius of Liberty 1

Is it for the North, or for the South, that this honour is reserved? The future alone knows; but that which is in the power of every nation, brothers! is to render itself worthy of this signal fortune, by working, without intermission, for the common deliverance. LEDRU-ROLLIN-JOSEPH MAZZINI-ALBERT DARASZ-ARNOLD RUGE,

REPUBLICAN ORGANIZATION.

ADDRESSED TO ALL ENGLISHMEN WHO CALL THEMSELVES REPUBLICANS.

BY W. J. LINTON.

Their hearts were tenanted by faith, they had not merely political calculations in their heads; they aspired to be not simply revolutionary, but also regenerative; they felt that, at bottom, the question was no other than the grand problem of national education.

. Every work of regeneration implies a belief in those who undertake it; every soldier of the revolution who has none is a fomenter of discord, a provoker of anarchy, without having the remedy to still it.

The first step taken, it did not recoil before the difficulties, whatever they were, of its subsequent steps. A principle and its consequences,—all its revolutionary logic was comprehended in these words. It felt that the most powerful party was the most consistent party, and it was this. It was not satisfied with simple views of reaction, with vague professions of liberalism; it demanded his belief of every one who presented himself, and only accepted those as members who had a belief in conformity with its own. It did not speculate on the number, but on the unity of its forees; it thus made a first experiment on the nation.

Rearing a standard which had never yet been reared by any political association, it felt the necessity of planting it in the midst of new and pure elements; it addressed itself, consequently, more particularly to the young, for amongst them was capacity for enthusiasm, zeal, devotion, and energy. To them it told the whole truth without reserve or disguise. The grand error which had ruined all previous efforts had been the custom of confiding rather to men than to principles: it was a reaction against this custom; it

preached thus-"Have no faith in names, but in yourselves, in the masses, in your right, and in God.”

The

youth had found its men, The language which was addressed to it expressed all which it had long felt, all the secrets of its hearts. It caught the inspiration; it took its fire. Organization commenced at every point; everywhere the principles everywhere its standard was recognized and hailed.

increase.

were preached;

Its members continued to Every day the demand for its publications became louder. Fear was unknown. There was no doubt of success. ALL THIS WAS THE RESULT OF PRINCIPLES; AND ALL THIS EFFECTED BY SOME YOUNG MEN WITHOUT GREAT MEANS, WITHOUT THE INFLUENCE OF RANK, WITHOUT MATERIAL FORCE

History of Young

Why not of Young England? Why should not that which is no boastful, but a true and most exact account, of 'La Giovine Italia,' the association founded by Mazzini in 1831, he also true of the Associated Republicans of England? By what means the history of one association may become a prophecy of the other is what I shall now endeavour to set forth.

:

Zeal first, and then organization: these are the necessary elements of success. Even in a bad cause these elements but too often procure a triumph in a good cause they could never fail. Zeal, and then organization.

I count upon the zeal of those who, having listened to my explanation of Republican Principles, responded to my appeal and volunteered to join me in laying the foundation of our English Republic. I will also not doubt the zeal of some who read, but who have not yet openly responded. I may not do other than believe that my brothers in the faith are zealous. That they are ready to

devote their most earnest thought and some daily portion of their lives to the propagandism of their faith; that they have accepted 'the principle and its consequences,'-that they are prepared to incur some toil, some loss, some sacrifice,