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In the name of that which is most sacred – Liberty, the men of all countries, who own a free soul, are invited to subscribe to it.
Resolved, November 27th, 1850.
For the Central European Democratic Committee,
Under the head of Archives and correspondence of the Central European Democratic Committee;' in the Voice of the Proscribed (Voix du Proscrit) of December 8th, appears the following account of progress already made. Central Committee has already received numerous adhesions,-among which we may mention those of the Committee of Young Austria, the Centralizing Committee of Germany, the Polish Democratic Committee, and the Central Committee of the Democratic Association of Holland. It need hardly be said that the Italian Committee acts in perfect accord with the CENTRAL COMMITTEE. It will be seen that the Central Committee makes way, that its appeals find a potent echo in Young Europe. Our last document is the reply of the Committee to these Associations.
TO THE ITALIAN, POLISH, GERMAN, AUSTRIAN AND
DUTCH COMMITTEES. Brothers! Events have justified your previsions, and ours: the despots understand each other. At the spirit which animated their armies, at the commotion which was manifest in their ranks, at the desertions already commencing, they have comprehended that at the first-shock the ground would tremble beneath their feet, and that from its open depths would burst forth Liberty.
But, you have said it, Brothers ! terrified at the power which might suddeuly explode in their hands, they renounce violence, to ask of craft the accomplishment of their liberticidal pact.
In the phases of this new evolution, it is necessary, then, that the Democracy should be more than ever upon its guard, in order to seize the first propitious moment.
It is, in fact, for the execution of the tyrants' projects against the bourgeoisie that we should wait; and everywhere already, that execution begins.
To speak only of Prussia, is it not known that if the Berlin Assembly is not yet definitively dissolved, it is because they dread the explosion of popular feeling? To-day adjourned, it will a little later be completely driven out. Thus, in the States of Germany, all political compacts will be successively torn. An uniform silence, the silence of death, will overhang this vast land of thought; for it is not only beyond 1848 that the despots desire to retrograde,—it is beyond 1830, and 1815, the epochs of charters and transactions ;- it is even to the middle ages that they meditate carrying back the Peoples : under the imbecile domination of priests and kings.
Brothers ! you have also said, and with reason, the madness of their projects, the very enormity of their attempts, is the certain pledge of our victory: the Democracy,—that is to say all which tends to equality and which springs toward a better future, the Democracy henceforth having no more to struggle alone.
The tyrants, in their giddiness, have they not set foot upon the bourgeoisie itself, on that bourgeoisie which had attempted to shelter its egotism and its power under the fragile barriers of a powerless liberalism. They have known how to rally it to us by the immi. nence of a common peril; they have known how to strengthen our cause in oppressing all at once. Now then, there is on the one side bu men, all brothers, combating for Liberty, and on the other tyrants resolved to annihilate it.
Yes, brothers, even as you happily remark, in all parts our idea is propagated and increases. Let us rejoice at this great result, but let us not be dazzled by it. It presents a danger. In fact, seeing progress marching with the rapidity of lightning, how many men, assured of its triumph, slumber in an easy and culpable quietude, leaving everything to the future, as if nothing was done, so long as something remains to be done, as if we should only expect from our enemies the success of our holy cause. Ah, no doubt, it is not the idea which is wanting to day; it is virility. What is wanting is that which pushed our fathers into action, the manly courage which multiplies itself in proportion to the resistance, -perseverance, and audacity. Our fathers were less talkers and more soldiers. They felt that the forehead becomes accustomed to bear patiently the yoke which a single effort could break.
Brothers ! do not forget : the hand which strikes the bourgeoisie,—that hand which opens the door of revolutions,—already begins to weigh upon it.
Yet a blow, it is the favourable occasion, it is the augury of deliverance; tomorrow, perhaps, we ought to be ready.
In 1847 it was from an imperceptible point of the Mediterranean that the signal went forth. Then, however, all was calm and tranquil; whilst now, in all places, the Revolution boils. Who can point out the elected people among whom it shall first leap forth to open day.
Happy, above all, that which shall be first visited by the Genius of Liberty!
Is it for the North, or for the South, that this honour is reserved? The future alone knows; but that which is in the power of every nation, brothers! is to render itself worthy of this signal fortune, by working, without intermission, for the common deliverance.
LEDRU-ROLLIN-Joseph MAZZINI-ALBERT DARASZ-ARNOLD RUGE.
ADDRESSED TO ALL ENGLISHMEN WHO CALL THEMSELVES REPUBLICANS.
BY W. J. LINTON.
"Their hearts were tenanted by faith, they had not merely political calculations in their heads; they aspired to be not simply revolutionary, but also regenerative; they felt that, at bottom, the question was no other than the grand problem of national education .
Every work of regeneration implies a belief in those who undertake it; every soldier of the revolution who has none is a fomenter of discord, a provoker of anarchy, without having the remedy to still it.
The first step taken, it did not recoil before the difficulties, whatever they were, of its subsequent steps. A principle and its consequences,--all its revolutionary logic was comprehended in these words. It felt that the most powerful party was the most consistent party, and it was this. It was not satisfied with simple views of reaction, with vague professions of liberalism; it demanded his belief of every one who presented himself, and only accepted those as members who had a belief in conformity with its own. It did not speculate on the number, but on the unity of its forces; it thus made a first experiment on the nation.
Rearing a standard which had never yet been reared by any political association, it felt the necessity of planting it iu the midst of new and pure elements;
it addressed itself, consequently, more particularly to the young, for amongst them was capacity for enthusiasm, zeal, devotion, and energy. To them it told the whole truth without reserve or disguise. The grand error which had ruined all previous efforts had been the custom of confiding rather to men than to principles : it was a reaction against this custom;
it preached thus—"Have no faith in names, but in yourselves, in the masses, in your right, and in God.”
youth had found its men, The language which was addressed to it expressed all which it had long felt, all the secrets of its hearts. It caught the inspiration; it took its fire. Organization commenced at etery point; everywhere the principles
were preached; everywhere its standard was recognized and hailed. Its members continued to increase.
Every day the demand for its publications became louder.
Fear was unknowu. There was no doubt of success. ALL THIS WAS THE RESULT OF PRINCIPLES; AND ALL THIS EFFECTED BY SOME YOUNG MEN WITHOUT GREAT MEANS, WITHOUT THE INFLUENCE OF RANK, WITHOUT
History of Young
Why not of Young England? Why should not that which is no boastful, but a true and most exact account, of 'La Giovine Italia,' the association founded by Mazzini in 1831, he also true of the Associated Republicans of England ? By what means the bistory of one association may become a prophecy of the other is what I sball now endeavour to set forth.
Zeal first, and then organization: these are the necessary elements of success. Even in a bad cause these elements but too often procure a triumph: in a good cause they could never fail. Zeal, and then organization.
I count upon the zeal of those who, having listened to my explanation of Republican Principles, responded to my appeal and volunteered to join me in laying the foundation of our English Republic. I will also not doubt the zeal of some who read, but who have not yet openly responded. I may not do other than believe that my brothers in the faith are zealous. That they are ready to devote their most earnest thought and some daily portion of their lives to the propagandism of their faith ; that they have accepted the principle and its consequences,'—that they are prepared to incur some toil, some loss, some sacrifice, some ridicule, some odium, and it may be some danger, without halting from time to time to reckon the amount of their exertions, their sacrifices, or their - sufferings, but ever cheerfully saying—What is all this? the realization of our faith, the triumph of our hope, is worth even a severer martyrdom.' For they have declared their belief, and belief necessitates action-continual endeavour to accomplish that which is believed. To these zealots for Republicanism, these wooers and truest soldiers of Republican Progress, I now address myself, offering for their consideration the following
PLAN OF REPUBLICAN ORGANIZATION. In whatever place any one of you who hold our republican faith may be, look directly for such of your townsmen or neighbours as you know may be depended on to join yon. If you know of none, begin the work of propagandism alone!-labouring like some zealous, indefatigable missionary, till you shall have won some one of those within your reach to a recognition of your creed: not a mere formal recognition, nor the poor assent of one over-persuaded to allow himself to be called a Republican,--but the valuable recognition of the convert, who, having thoroughly examined and maturely weighed the principles of Republicanism, finds himself convinced of their truth; and who, being a true man (one who acts as he thinks, whose life is built upon his conscience), is consequently anxious to carry his principles into practice.
So soon as you can meet with one such man,—whether of your converting or only waiting your inquiry-consider yourselves as the nucleus and provisional Committee of a Republican Association to be formed by you in that town or neighbourhood, -and set zealously to work to add to your number. Be careful that none associate with you except those on whose private character you can depend. A bad man can not make a good republican. Better work slowly and surely than enlist the unfit. But be as persevering as careful, lest the sometime discouragement of great carefulness unduly retard your progress. Take three qualities as essential to the making of good republicans,—sobriety-honesty— self-reliance. If your proposed associate is a man, be sure that he is honest towards women as well as with bis fellow-men; if a woman, be sure that she is sufficiently self-reliant to act in virtue of her own humanity, not merely as the creature of another.
When your numbers in any place are such as to require organization, and the sooner that is set about the better, even so soon as you number ten or twelve,—then let your committee call a meeting of all its members, and constitute yourselves an Association for your locality, with some such rules as these here following.
The Plymouth Republicans, or Plymouth Republican Association.
Or Manchester Republicans, or East London, or Chelsea, etc.
tion shall be eligible as Members, upon signifying their adhesion to the subjoined profession of faith, b-provided they are well known to some one of the members who will answer for their sobriety, honesty, and self-reliance. ©
Open, and by a simple majority.
DUTIES OF MEMBERS. I.–To teach themselves the Principles of Republicanism in order to render their own lives thereunto conformable; to teach one another as the best aid they can render; and by precept and practice unceasingly to endeavour to win proselytes.
II. —To regard the members of the Association as brethren in the closest bond, closer than even the brotherhood of blood, and to rule their conduct toward each other by this principle.
Regular, frequent, and friendly communication between the members (perfect equality being observed among them, however different their station in society), the publication of a periodical openly advocating the republican principles of the Association, e the dissemination of tracts as opportunities occur, and such other means of constant or occasional propagandism as time and circumstances may afford.
GOVERNMENT. A President and Secretary (either of whom might also be Treasurer), and a Committee (when the Association has so many members as to require it), chosen annually by open voting' of the Members present at the place of election.
The course of proceeding in the Associations might be much as follows.
First :—The formation of the Association would by no means exonerate any member from active exertion as an individual. As to having 'nothing to do' except when at the meetings or when appointed on some special Committee of the Association, 5 —that is impossible so long as a man bas the use of his limbs to carry him among his fellows, and the use of his tongue to preach to and converse with them. One may lecture; another may write tracts; a third may distribute them; another go out with bills; another collect subscriptions; another, even
b The profession of faith would be that given at pages 8-9 of the English Republic: commencing with—'We believe in the progressive development of human faculties and forces' and ending with the example of those peoples most loving and most devoted for encouragement on the way.' · Meaning, of course, general integrity. The seducer, or the profligate, is not honest.
d I would have this fully carried out. Let the Republican aid, associate with, trade with, work for and with, the brother Republican in decided preference to any other, even to the brother of his blood.
• By this I of course do not intend that each society shall publish a periodical; but that each shall do its utmost to maintain at least one avowed Republican Journal in England. If, however, one could be established in every town, so much the better.
The worth of the ballot is as a protection. But in a Republican Association no protection could be needed. And the education of frankness and moral courage would be desirable.
& An error into which associated men so frequently fall, thinking foolishly that because the are combined they need no longer be self-reliant.