H. OF R.] The General Appropriation Bill. [APRIL 30, 1834. Mr. FOOT said it seemed, at all events, that not much $38,500, an average short of thirteen thousand dollars a money had been saved by sending ministers (if such they year. But in modern times, a residence of six weeks at were) of an inferior grade: for the whole appropriation a foreign court had cost the nation $22,500; and besides had been expended which was intended for a full minis-that, an outfit of $4,500, and a yearly salary of the same ter. It had only been lately that he discovered that, for amount, for the charge d'affaires, who takes the place the last two years, the whole amount appropriated by of the minister whenever he leaves the court to which he Congress, under the specific items, for the different minis is accredited, to return home, or even for a temporary ters abroad, had been thrown into one consolidated mass, and voluntary absence. and called the "diplomatic fund;" and out of this consolidated fund the Executive expended here or there, according to his own will, without regard to the specific legislation of Congress. Thus the whole object of preserving specific legislation had been defeated by this Executive arrangement. return. Mr. A. said he wished to arrest this practice. He would not say but that the salary allowed was too small; he believed it was. It was insufficient to support an American minister at a foreign court in such a station as he ought to hold there. And the usual consequence was, that the moment a minister got to his destination, he became conMr. WAYNE said the gentleman from Connecticut vinced that such was the fact, and immediately got home would find himself wrong. The act of the last session again as soon as he could; by which convenient and very provided [here Mr. W. quoted the act] no specific item natural arrangement he would receive, perhaps, 20,000 for a charge at London or St. Petersburg; and either the dollars in a single year. By this means a mission might term "minister" comprehended both grades, as had been be made a profitable concern; as, in some cases, it had stated by his friend from Virginia, [Mr. ARCHER,] or else been. What Mr. A. insisted on was, that Congress was there was no provision whatever for a charge at those not to presume that we had a minister where we had courts. Now the appointment of such charges had been none, but where all the appropriation was exhausted by submitted to the Senate and approved, and the Senate had the employment of a charge d'affaires and the minister's passed the bill with an item in it for a "minister," but none for a "charge." This established the position of Since the commencement of this administration how the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, many ministers had we seen appointed? They had been [Mr. ARCHER,] and showed that the gentleman from Con- sent to almost every court with which we had political re necticut had been incorrect in asserting that the country lations, and almost immediately after returned; then a had been without a minister at the courts referred to. charge immediately received an outfit and salary to ocMr. ADAMS, in reply to Mr. WAYNE, said that, in re-cupy his place. Thus the country paid for a double set spect to the money which had been appropriated for the of public agents to do the same work. First we paid a Balaries of ministers of the first order, (as they were called minister, and then a charge in consequence of the minis among us, though, strictly speaking, we never sent any ter's absence. For every time a minister left his post, of such as were recognised in European courts as such, the nation had to pay an outfit to the charge d'affaires. viz: ambassadors,) he would observe that, although the Mr. A. should therefore vote for the amendment propo nation had had no minister at two of the principal Euro-sed by the gentleman from Connecticut, [Mr. Foor,] and pean courts during most of the last year, still the money strike out the item for "Great Britain" and "Russia.” If provided for their support had all been expended. This the salary was appropriated, the nation ought to have a might be said of the last three or four years. And what minister at the foreign court. If there was no minister, had been the cause of such a state of things? It was the there should be no appropriation. effect of a new usage, one of the many which distinguishBut he had additional reason for the vote he should ed the present period of our history. Ministers would go give. Not only had we no minister at the courts menabroad, remain at the courts to which they had been sent tioned, but he did not know that we were going to have during a longer or shorter period, from six weeks to any. He thought it extremely doubtful. He did not, three, four, or six months, as the case might be, and then indeed, know that there was any very urgent occasion for come home; by which arrangement he received his out- a minister of the first order to Russia; but at the court of fit, his salary, and his allowance for return. A full minis- Great Britain there was a constant necessity for it. A ter's salary was fixed, by law, at $9,000, and by such an charge d'affaires was not suited to confront a British arrangement as he had referred to, a minister of this minister of state, and speak with him on such terms as a grade would contrive to get, in the course of a single minister there ought to speak. We, indeed, were not in year, $22,500. In one case nearly that amount had been the habit of making any great distinction in our notions or paid for a residence at a foreign court of but six weeks. feelings between a full minister and a charge. A person This was an abuse. Nor was it satisfactory to him to be of the latter grade could negotiate with our Secretary of told that the sums appropriated for salaries had been ex- State on nearly the same footing as one of the former. hausted by extra allowances for outfit and return. The But it was very different in England. A mere charge sum allowed for outfit was given on the presumption that was considered as a very small personage there, while it was to be applied in forming an establishment at the a minister of state was always a man of high standing, court whither the minister was going, in the purchase of great connexions, large salary, and extensive influence furniture, and other expenses incidental to a residence at and power. To send a charge d'affaires to transact a foreign court in a diplomatic character. This was all with such a dignitary was putting him on the rack. He very proper, and the sum provided was very small-too knew, indeed, that this depended, in part, upon the small, indeed, as respected the missions to England, France, and Russia. But, he said that the manner in which these outfits had recently been employed was a great abuse. The system of allowance for outfits had commenced with the organization of this Government; but it was then accompanied with an understanding that the minister receiving such outfit should remain abroad at least three years. That was considered the ordinary term for a foreign mission; and $9,000 was held sufficient to provide for a residence of that duration. A minister, at that time, cost the nation for a foreign residence of three years, including outfit, salary, and return allowance, character of the individual; he had known charge des affaires who were worthy to have been ministers, and ministers again, who were not even fit to be charges. But if we provided for having a minister of the first rank at the British court, we should have such a minister, and not be shuffled off with a charge d'affaires or a secretary of legation. Not one in ten of such persons would dare to face a British minister of state, and hold an argument with him, as he should do, on terms of the same equality as members of that House were wont to feel when dis cussing public affairs on that floor. This was the footing on which our minister ought to stand at St. James's, and APRIL 30, 1834.] The General Appropriation Bill. [H. OF R. not to appear there as a mere suiter, an asker of favors. He, therefore, repeated the declaration that, before he These were not the terms on which this country ought voted for this item, he must have an explicit assurance to be represented at that court. We paid for a minister from the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the first order, and we ought to have such a minister. that a nomination would be made during the present sesMr. A. did not know that we should have such a one; he sion of Congress. thought we should not, at least if the usage recently introduced was to continue. How did he know but that the next minister that might be sent to England would not go for a month or two to London, and then be off to Bath or Bristol, or go travelling over the kingdom or the continent, or that he would not immediately return home from motives of economy? He, for one, wished to set the seal of reprobation on such a practice. If it had arisen from the fact that this Government, was too penurious in its allowances for diplomatic agents, let the salary be increased. Let our minister be placed in a position which would enable him to hold such a standing as befitted his country. He ought to be a man who had no superior in the world; he ought to be a man who could look in the face of Kings, and look at them as one man does at another on the ordinary level of society. Mr. W. R. DAVIS, of South Carolina, said that, when he offered to yield the floor to the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, it was under the belief that he desired to respond to the interrogatory of the gentleman from Massachhsetts, [Mr. ADAMS,] but as no disposition to discuss at this time had been shown, he would proceed to say what little he intended to present to them. In the first place he wished it to be understood that, in supporting the motion of the gentleman from Connecticut, [Mr. FooT,] to strike out the appropriation for the salaries and outfits of ministers to England and Russia, he did so for no particular objects connected with the opposition to the administration, for he should support the amendment on grounds very different from those assumed by the gentleman from Massacusetts, [Mr. ADAMS.] In the first place, he should oppose the appropriations for these ministers, because these officers were not at As to the necessity of a minister at the Court of St. present in existence. Neither was it known when they Petersburgh, it was a matter with which he ought to be, should be created constitutionally by the nomination of and he presumed was, as well acquainted as any member the President, and the confirmation of the Senate. of that House, and he did not know of the existence of Then, and not till then, had this House to pass this ap any circumstances which demanded the presence at that propriation. To do it would be going beyond the limits court of more than a charge d'affaires. We had such of proper constitutional legislation. It would be dicta. an officer there already. He did not know why we must ting to the President of the United States, and to the keep a minister there. If, however, the honorable chair-Senate, and requiring or at least officiously indicating the man of the Committee on Foreign Relations had any in- propriety of instituting those missions, the duty of which formation to submit to the House which would show such belonged exclusively to themselves. The House has no necessity, Mr. A. would listen to it with all the respect it more right of instituting missions to England and Russia, demanded. before the nomination and confirmation of ministers to In Great Britain we should never remain without a full these nations respectively than to vote or the appointrepresentative. If, on no other ground, this was fit and ment of ministers to China or Constantinople. The proper as a matter of delicacy between the two courts. House could not, with Parliamentary propriety, vote Nor should he be greatly surprised, after what had been for an office which does not exist. These officers, now the state of things for two years, if Great Britain it must be borne in mind, are not dead, but merely should recall her minister now near the United States; functus officio. The late incumbent of the one has reespecially if it should strike the Government of that coun- turned on account of the refusal on the part of the proptry as not probable that we should soon have a minister er authority (the Senate) to confirm his appointment. at that Court. Mr. A. said he had taken ground precisely the same with that which he now maintained at the first session of the last Congress, and the assurance was given in the strongest terms that a minister would be appointed. The other has returned, because, as it may be supposed, the object of his mission has been accomplished. Admit. ting, however, that the offices do exist, what are we now about to do? Why, to dictate to the President of the United States the propriety of sending ministers to those counThere was another idea which he wished to present. tries. Mr. D. would ask if it were proper that this Before he could consent to appropriate for a minister to House should be considered as possessing the power of England, he should require an assurance from the honor-creating, by a clause in appropriation bills, missions ble chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, which might extend over the face of the whole earth? not only that a minister would be appointed, but that his In ordinary times these officers were not looked upon as nomination should be made before the close of the pres- of such importance as at present some deemed them to ent session of Congress. If this were not done, it would, be; and he was ignorant of any circumstances connected he presumed, be made another case of vacancy, and the with the present political relations of the world which minister would be appointed without the advice and con- could render them otherwise now. The truth is, these currence of the Senate. This was another novel prac-offices are mere matters of feathers and plumage, a sort tice, and one to which he would lend no support. There of hospital for yellow admirals-a place of refuge for brohad been a great and unjustifiable extension of the con- ken down and useless politicians. struction of the provision contained in the constitution in The first objection he had to the appropriation was, reference to the right of appointment during the recess of that the offices not being now in existence, required to be Congress. It had been repeatedly construed as meaning, created anew; and the power of creating them was conwhen it spoke of a vacancy occurring during the recess, stitutionally vested only in the President of the United such a vacancy as the Executive could create. Nor did States and the Senate. He objected, however, to the whole Mr. A. object to this construction. But in this case, the system of these two missions, England and Russia, for vacancy of the office of plenipotentiary rank already ex- which the grants were proposed to be made. It seemed isted, nor could it, by any art of construction, be made to him that there was no evidence of the necessity of out to be a vacancy which had "occurred during the re- either, inasmuch as the President and the Senate had not cess." It was a vacancy which had existed before the thought it requisite to ask for them. He (Mr. D.) session of Congress, and had continued during that ses- did not himself believe they were necessary. What is sion. But in the place of a minister of that rank, there the object to be effected by sending a minister to Great was now a charge d'affaires whose office would be vaca- Britain? Is there a solitary subject open for, or requirted by the appointment of a minister plenipotentiary.ing discussion with the Court of St. James? Is there any VOL. X.--243 H. OF R.] The General Appropriation Bill. [APRIL 30, 1834. business with that nation which a consul is not fully ca- above all other members of the House, express a doubt pable to transact? If there is not, and if no new treaty whether it was necessary for us to have at all times a full is to be made, why incur this useless expenditure? minister at the Court of St. Petersburgh. If any other And what, Mr. Speaker, (said Mr. D.) unfinished member had expressed a doubt on its propriety and nebusiness have we with Russia? Why every body knows cessity, Mr. A. would have sent him to that gentleman as that we have none. The only plausible argument, then, authority to have all his doubts removed. With what that can be adduced for sending ministers to these courts Governments ought we to keep up diplomatic relations is, that it is a customary act of courtesy between, not na- if not with the first Powers in the world? And among tions, but crowned heads, who have established this in- these, with that one with whom we have had ancient ternational system of etiquette, requiring an interchange and friendly relations from the very foundation of our own of politeness between one monarch and another. Government. In all our foreign difficulties to what PowThis was proper enough for them, and a fit rule to be jer had we always looked as to an assured friend? It was applied to such personages; it was, however, a mere mat- to Russia; now the greatest Power in the world, and the ter of etiquette, and of no sort of consequence in a na- very centre of all the diplomatic relations of Europe. tional point of view. Where is the King or minister of a And could it be the gentleman from Massachusetts, a gencountry, desiring the commerce of this distant and peace- tleman, who, with that ability which always distinguished ful republic, who would raise a question, ground a quar- him in whatever he undertook, had represented this rel, or make any sort of difficulty merely because there country at that very Court, who now affirmed that it was was not a minister plenipotentiary resident at its Court? of no consequence that the United States should be fully None. As for ourselves, we want nothing but a consul-- represented there. If that gentleman had charged it as a a competent one, to attend to our commercial relations neglect upon the administration, that it had not applied with foreign nations, and to all the business connected for means to send a minister of the first grade to the with them. It is objected that a consular agent cannot cor- Russian Court, Mr. A. would have been at a loss for a respond with the Court of the country to which he may reply, because he would have deemed it a most serious be despatched. So much the better. He can always charge, and the neglect grievous and inexcusable. Sorry correspond with the ministers of that court, and in the should he be to think that there was any gentleman in event of any case arising which requires the presence that House, or elsewhere, who condemned more strongly there of a minister on our part, we can accredit one, and and more decidedly than he did the course of the adminwithdraw him when he shall have despatched the special istration in relation to that mission at a former period, to business for which he had been sent. which the gentleman from Massachusetts had alluded. Mr. D. concluded by assuring the House that he made All candid men must admit, for every intelligent man these remarks in no spirit of opposition to the present could not but know, that this Government had not been Chief Magistrate, or his administration. Not, however, at that time properly represented at the Court of that that he considered him blameless, as only following the great Power. example of his predecessors, but because he did not The gentleman from Massachusetts admitted that, if it choose to oppose any administration on such small mat- was proper in relation to any foreign Power, that we should be represented by a minister of the first grade, it Mr. ARCHER said that he rose to respond to the in- was so in relation to Great Britain. And Mr. A. conquiries of the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts.sidered that gentleman as entirely justified in saying that But before he did this, he wished to submit a remark to he would not vote for the appropriation asked for that the committee. Every member of the committee must Court, unless the present vacancy was soon to be filled. perceive that the ground which the gentleman had taken Mr. A. said that he was justified, from the connexion could not be maintained. The gentleman was wholly which his situation gave him with the Department of mistaken. But supposing there were force in his objec- State, (with which Department alone, and not with the tion, when the gentleman found that the administration, Executive, he held official relations,) to declare to the instead of expending the sum appropriated for a full House "that it was the intention of the President, at minister, had deemed it convenient to send a minister of present, to nominate a minister to England, and also one lower grade, could any blame attach to them for this? It to Russia, during the present session, unless something was but a few years ago, when all the money provided should occur in the meantime, connected with the public for conducting foreign intercourse was appropriated in interests, which, in my judgment, may render it unneces one gross sum. And would it then have been considered sary." This was the reply which had been given by the a valid objection that it had expended less than the House Department of State to Mr. A.'s inquiry on that subject; contemplated? In the present case, there has been a and as he had deemed it important to give with precision general appropriation for a minister. And the discrimi- the communication which had been made to him, he had nation made between outfit and salary was sufficient. immediately reduced it to writing, and now read to the There was no necessity for more. But if the gentleman House from the memorandum he had made at the time. desired more, it could be constitutionally obtained, be- He had no comments to make. ters. cause the constitution had confided to the discretion of Mr. WAYNE said he had listened to the gentleman the Executive, and not to the Legislature, to say what from Massachusetts with less pleasure than usual. There should be the grade of a minister sent abroad. And, if was more of insinuation than there ought to be in his rethe House should require the President to send a full marks. He had complained of the increased expenses minister to Russia, when he supposed that a charge for our ministers abroad; and afterwards as to the minister d'affaires was sufficient, it would be his duty to disregard of England in particular. He would ask that gentleman that expression of the legislative will. If the course of if the practice of the present administration had differed the Executive had involved a greater instead of a smaller from that which had been pursued at any time since that expenditure of money, there might have been more force gentleman had been connected with the Government? If in the objection. But the complaint was, that the Execu-so, he would then have some ground for complaint. He tive had not gone so far, in expending money upon our had understood the gentleman to speak of one instance diplomatic relations, as the House had warranted him to in which a minister had cost the Government $90,000 for go. This was all Mr. A. had to say to the committee. Ja residence of six weeks at a foreign Court. This was He would now address a few remarks to the gentleman true to a certain extent. But it reflected no discredit, it from Massachusetts, [Mr. ADAMS.] called for no blame on this administration. It was one of He had not been a little surprised to hear that member, those misfortunes to which Governments, as well as indi APRIL 30, 1834.] viduals, were liable. He could cite many parallel cases. that the Executive department had asked for it, in the In that of Mr. King, he was seized with the sickness, customary mode by which that department of the Govwhich ended his life on the passage. The mission was ernment was wont to intimate its wishes in respect to apdefeated, and expense was incurred. But surely no one propriations, by sending an estimate to the Committee of would have blamed the then administration for that mis- Ways and Means. The Executive was presumed to know fortune. The gentleman from Massachusetts had also, more about the foreign intercourse of the country than somewhat hastily, in his opinion, complained of the time the Legislature could. And the Senate, as the constituour ministers staid at foreign Courts. He had said we had tional advisers of the President, participated with him in not had less than three or four at every court. What knowledge upon that subject, of which the House of were the circumstances? One had returned to fill the Representatives must necessarily, as such, be ignorant. honorable post of Secretary of State. But he did not The bill provided no outfit to England; because there come back empty handed. No. He negotiated that was already an outfit appropriated and unexpended. The which Government had been for years trying to accom- outfit for Russia had been used by Mr. Buchanan, our plish, without success. The treaty he made, although it late minister to that Power. The outfit for France had, affected some immediate interests, yet had been subse-in like manner, been used by Mr. Rives. At the Court quently shown to be beneficial. He was succeeded by of England we are represented, at present, by a charge Mr. Van Buren. Why did he not stay? The Senate of d'affaires, no minister having yet been sent out. the United States recalled him. Not because they did appropriation, in its present form, was nothing unusual; not think a minister necessary at the Court of St. James, and it would require a very strong case to justify the but in consequence of certain instructions given by Mr. House in withholding it. It was true the House was not Van Buren on a former occasion. They rejected his required to act blindly; and there might be a very strong nomination, and he came back to receive higher hon- case in which they would be justifiable in refusing the ors from the hands of the American people. He was not money; but this was no such case. It was useless to octhe eulogist of Mr. Van Buren; he was merely relating cupy time in drawing comparisons between different adfacts. It was objected that from that time they had not ministrations on the score of public expenditures. Had been adequately represented in the English Court. the mission been to a place that never was found by our The President not conceiving that there was a neces- ministers, or to a place where they would meet with no sity for a higher functionary than a charge d'affaires, foreign Power, nobody would censure the House for resent out Mr. Vail to England in that capacity. The fusing to appropriate. The Senate was a party to this, in confirming his appointment. Mr. P. said it was with the financial part only of the Up to July, 1832, therefore, the administration was en- question that he was particularly connected; and what tirely exonerated from blame. Although it might be de- he maintained was, that, in the application of the money sirable, in the opinion of gentlemen, to have had this formerly granted for the missions under consideration, country fully represented in the Court of St. James last there was nothing unusual, illegal, or wasteful. The case year, why might they not suppose that circumstances had been fully explained. He did not agree that the mishad existed between the two countries which justified sion to Great Britain was now vacant. We were repre the President in not sending a minister? Did it become sented at that Court by a minister of inferior grade; and the President to come to Congress to give his reasons an intimation had been received from the Executive that why he did not send an ambassador? He apprehended it was his purpose soon to send there one of the highest not. He did not believe that the interests of this country rank. had suffered because they had had only a charge d'af- Mr. DAVIS, of South Carolina, rose amidst loud cries faires in England. On the contrary, he hesitated not to of "Question! Question!" Mr. D.-Not yet, sir, not say that no minister, whatever his grade, could have ma- yet. I have the floor-intend to keep it, and will not be tured negotiations of more importance than those which questioned, questioned" out of it. I do not mean that had been matured during the past year. this matter shall be thus hurried over and smothered. The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. ADAMS] As to the mere cost of the mission, he said it was comseemed to forget another fact in asking the question which paratively unimportant; but there were principles involvhe had asked. With what propriety could he ask it, ed worthy of deliberate consideration. We are asked when he knew that the practice of the Government was for appropriations to cover the outfits and salaries of minagainst him? If the gentleman had any information to listers to the respective Courts of England and Russia, give on the subject, let him give it; and if he could even neither of which offices are in existence-neither of give a colorable reason for supposing a minister would which officers have been appointed. But it is said (innot be sent, he, (Mr. W.,) for one, would vote against deed we are told by the Chairman of the Committee of this appropriation. Mr. W. then briefly adverted to Foreign Relations) that it is the intention of the President some remarks which had fallen from a member from to send out, before the adjournment of Congress, minisSouth Carolina, [Mr. W. R. DAVIS.] He was usually ters to these countries; and has given us as his authority called on to admire the good sense and logical arguments for this declaration, the assurance of the Secretary of of that gentleman. Such had not been the case to-day. State. Sir, we have been asked for, and have accordThere was no validity in his reasoning. His argument ingly made appropriations for two successive years for a would go to give them the double guard of rejecting minister to England, yet one was not sent, although the nominations, and also of refusing the salary of ministers. British Government had a resident minister here. If the Senate had the slightest suspicion of an intention to practice a fraud, and to deprive them of their constitutional rights, by delaying the appointment of a minister until after the adjournment of Congress, they ought to make inquiry; and they would be traitors to their trusts and the American people if they refused to do so. Can you have forgotten, sir, the declaration and complaint of the President, which the administration presses rung, in prolonged peals, throughout the country, on the occasion of the Senate refusing to advise and consent to the appointment of the late minister of England? Do you not remember that, to the contumacy of the Senate, was Mr. POLK observed that the gentleman from South charged the arrest and consequent failure of a most deliCarolina [Mr. DAVIS] had said that, to pass this item of cate and important negotiation? But delicate, important, appropriation would be equivalent to a dictation to the President as to what grade of ministers he should send to the Court of London; and that the Executive had not asked for the appropriation. The answer to this was, and pressing as the subject of that abortive negotiation was, no other minister, notwithstanding we made the appropriation requested, has ever been sent, and this very delicate, important, and pressing affair has not since been 3879 GALES & SEATON'S REGISTER H. OF R.] The General Appropriation Bill. [APRIL 30, 1834. And in what has the late mission to Russia heard of. Why is this? What excuse has been made for The Chamber of Deputies refuse an appropriation for this apparent neglect? If there was a subject of dispute its fulfilment. between this country and Great Britain, there has been resulted? In nothing that I know of, except an improve. neglect on the part of the administration, from its own ment in the complexion of my friend, the envoy, Mr. As I said before, they showing. But I am at a loss to conceive what difficulty Buchanan. We Sir, these offices are sinecures. could have occurred since Mr. McLane's treaty. have heard of none. I did, to be sure, see something in are places merely for the reward of partisans; places of the newspapers about the subject of impressment; but I refuge for worn-out, useless, second-rate politicians. No, hope no gentleman on this floor will insult the moral sir, I am wrong; they are not merely useless-that would sense, the pride, the honor of the people of the United not be so bad, they are corrupting; they spoil the States, by admitting, for a moment, that to be a fit sub-light unmeritable things" you send abroad, and they ject for negotiation. That is not an open question; and return, in the language of Mr. Paine, with their heads as the minister who should dare, of his own mere motion, to full of kings, queens, and knaves, as a pack of cards. make it a subject for discussion abroad, would deserve to Look, sir, over the list of gentlemen we have sent on for. eign missions for the last twelve or fifteen years, and see lose his head on his return home. Sir, I would as soon think of stipulating and contract- the changes wrought, in almost every instance, in their ing with a man not to kick me whenever he met me in political character and principles: staunch republicans Pennsylvania avenue, as to negotiate on the subject of converted, in a year or two, into rank consolidationists. impressing American citizens with any foreign Power Whether the change be effected by the perfumed atmos whatever. But the honorable gentleman from Georgia phere of the Court, the glittering stars, orders, insignias, [Mr. WAYNE] states, by way of excuse for the apparent &c., that captivate the fancy, or the habit of only hearing neglect of the President in not sending a minister to of the Federal Union as a national Government, and England, that the people of that country were, during a hearing no mention of the States as composing it, I shall part of the period alluded to, in a state of great excite- not undertake to say; but I have a list, and were it not ment and agitation, and the Government itself in a very invidious, I would put my finger on the names, especially And what of that? What of the Southern gentlemen, who have undergone this ununquiet and unsettled state. have we to do with the forms or reforms of foreign Gov-happy conversion. But, sir, it is not merely spoiling the ernments? It is with the Governments de facto that we good republicans you send abroad, but the tendency of Nothing are to treat and hold relations, and not make any questions the system is to spoil your good Presidents that your of their forms of Government, intestine dissensions, or twenty-five thousand dollars keeps at home. What have we to do with the internal has been considered more flattering through all ages, to even civil wars. affairs of other countries? Nothing, sir, nothing at all. the vanity of kings and monarchs, and all the tribe, un. Have we already forgotten that Mr. Pitt, by acting on, der whatever name, who exercise the chief Executive Their brilliant, gaudy, and prying into the form of a foreign Government, (this office, than to be surrounded by a large bevy of repre very principle of intermeddling,) and refusing to acknow- sentatives of foreign countries. ledge or treat with the French Directory and Consulate, laced, jewelled, and plumed finery, adds vastly to the poured a tide of blood and fire over Europe for more than gilded show of an American President's soirees and levees, a quarter of a century? But, sir, was there any revolu- and he (if a vain, fatuitous old man, would be tempted to tion in England? Was the Government unsettled? Sir, multiply useless missions abroad, under the expectation the deep foundations of that Government were unshaken: that the courtesies of foreign nations would make a return It is wrong, sir, altogether the changes alluded to by the gentleman from Georgia in kind, and by that means surround the President with a were but a wholesome, salutary, and glorious reform. mimic Court of his own. I repeat, sir, that our sys A reform that met the approbation and excited the sym- wrong! Ours are a plain people, and this fudgery is ut pathy and applauses of our whole country? A reform terly unsuited to their taste. that liberated the conscience of a whole people, and tem of foreign intercourse is radically wrong, unsuited to made every generous heart beat high with joy for Irish an agricultural, distant, peaceful republic; useless at Catholic emancipation. A reform that excited and won the best, corrupting in its tendencies of our officers our warmest salutations and gratulations for a nation ran-abroad and at home; and it will be a God-send if they do somed from the slavish shackles of religious intolerance, not, as four of them were near doing, embroil us with foreign nations. bigotry, and despotism. The policy of this country, Mr. Chairman, in regard to If, said Mr. D., our foreign intercourse were a new and original subject, untrammelled by precedent and foreign nations, I consider as fixed and established by pubusage, he would, without hesitation, refuse to vote ap- lic opinion; that is, to cultivate friendly commercial relapropriations for foreign embassies on the broad ground tions with the whole world, but to have no political relathat they were not merely useless, but positively inexpe- tions or connexions with any foreign Government what To attend to our commercial relations, I reiterate, dient; and he could sustain himself on the authority of ever. two names eminent for patriotism and practical good our consuls are amply competent. Will the honorable It has been said, sir, I think by the honorable chairman sense, Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Paine. gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. ADAMS,] who is an of the Committee of Ways and Means, that this is not the advocate of these things, or the chairman of the Commit- proper place, time, occasion, or manner, of opposing the tee on Foreign Relations, or any other gentleman, favor system of foreign intercourse and foreign missions. [ the House with an explanation of the necessary duties crave pardon, sir, for entertaining an opposite opinion; think it precisely the place, time, occa and beneficial agencies of our diplomatic corps? Will under favor, they, or either of them inform us of what probable use sion, and manner, most fit and proper for opposing the any, or the whole of our foreign errands are likely to be system itself, as well as the mode of making appointments to this country? Of what use they had been for some under it. My leading motive--and I am not so squeamish years past? Does a quarterly letter from your minister to as not to avow it-is, to restrain the President within the Spain, informing the President that there is nothing new constitutional limits of the appointing power; to compel there, contribute to the interest or to the honor of our him, by means of a specific and limited appropriation, to country? Will gentlemen point to the mission to Eng- consult the Senate, to which body the constitution and the land which consummated a treaty on the subject of the people have confided a moiety of the appointing power, we gained a before he sends ministers on all sorts of errands, and to West India trade? where, as Paddy says, loss." Will they tell us of Mr. Rives's French treaty? all sorts of places. I intend, before this clause is disposed |