take an interest in the causes which contribute to the prosperity of Mexico in her domestic as well as her foreign relations. The Government of the United States is ever anxious to cultivate peace and friendship with all nations. But it proceeds on the principle that all nations have the right to alter, amend, or change their own Government, as the sovereign power, the people, may direct. In this respect, it never interferes with the policy of other powers, nor can it permit any on the part of others with its internal policy. Consistently with this princple, whatever we can do to restore peace between contending nations, or remove the causes of misunderstanding, is cheerfully at the service of those who are willing to rely upon our good offices as a friend ar mediator. In reference, however, to the agreement which you, as the representative of Mexico, have made with Texas, and which invites the interposition of the United States, you will at once see that we are forbidden, by the character of the communications made to us through the Mexican Minister, from considering it. That Government has notified us that, as long as you are a prisoner, no act of yours will be regarded as binding by the Mexican authorities. Under these circumstances, it will be manifest to you that good faith to Mexico, as well as the general principle to which I have adverted, as forming the basis of our intercourse with all foreign powers, make it impossible for me to take any step like that you have anticipated. If, however, Mexico should signify her willingness to avail herself of our good offices in bringing about the desirable result you have described, nothing could give me more pleasure than to devote my best services to it. To be instrumental in terminating the evils of civil war, and in substituting in their stead the blessings of peace, is a divine privilege. Every government, and the people of all countries, should feel it their highest happiness to enjoy an opportunity of thus manifesting their love of each other, and their interest in the general principles which apply to them all, as members of the common family of man. Your letter and that of General Houston, Commander-in-Chief of the Texan army, will be made the basis of an early interview with the Mexican Minister, at Washington. They will hasten my return to Washington, to which place I will set out in a few days, expecting to reach it by the first of October. In the meantime, I hope Mexico and Texas, feeling that war is the greatest of calamities, will pause before another campaign is undertaken, and can add to the number of those scenes of bloodshed which have already marked the progress of their contest, and have given so much pain to their Christian friends throughout the world. This is sent under cover to General Houston, who will give it a safe conveyance to you. I am, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, ANDREW JACKSON. SECRET TREATY, CONCLUDED BETWEEN SANTA ANNA AND THE TEXAN PRESIDENT. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, General-in-Chief of the Army of Operations and President of the Mexican Republic, solemnly engages himself to the Government established in Texas, to the fulfilment of the following articles, as follows: 1. He will not return to take arms, nor will he use his influence for the taking up the same against the People of Texas, during the present struggle for independence. 2. He will make provisions for the vacating of the territory of Texas by the Mexican troops within the shortest space of time possible. 3. He will prepare things in the Cabinet of Mexico for the admittance of the Commission to be sent by the Government of Texas, in order that through the medium of negotiation the independence declared by the convention may be and recognised. 4. A treaty of commerce and friendly feeling, and for the adjustment of the boundaries between Mexico and Texas, shall be made, the territory of the latter not to extend farther than the Rio Bravo del Norte. 5. The prompt departure of General Santa Anna by the way of Vera Cruz, being indispensable for carrying into execution the solemn oaths made by him, the Government of Texas shall provide a vessel for that purpose without loss of time. 6. This document, as binding on both parties, shall be signed in duplicate, remaining sealed till such time as the recognition is concluded, when it shall be returned in the same form to His Excellency, General Santa Anna, and shall be used only in case of its infraction by one of the contracting parties. Port Velasco, May 14, 1836. JAMES COLLINSWORTH, Secretary of State. ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA. A curiosity will naturally be felt to know what course of action Mexico would, in all probability, have pursued, in case of a reoccupation of Texas. Some light is thrown upon this subject in a communication from Santa Anna to the Supreme Government, dated from Head-quarters at the town of Guerrero, February, 16, 1836; in which, anticipating in imagination the re-conquest of Texas, he drew up a series of regulations for the same as if actually conquered. Little does he appear to have dreamed that, at the very moment of his penning this very singular document, he was realizing the old proverb of counting chickens before the eggs were hatched.' "To D. JOSE MARIA TORNEL, Minister of War and Marine. EXCELLENT SIR: The army of operations under my command, being on its march to - Bejar, I shall find myself involved in difficulties, should not the Supreme Government send me the necessary instructions as to the line of conduct to be pursued by me in regard to the settlers in Texas, after I have reduced them to order. In my opinion, it is necessary that, without loss of time, the Executive and Legislative bodies should proceed to consider what new regulations are to be given to this country, that the instructions for my conduct may be precise, ample, and definitive, that I may act promptly, and suitably to the interests of the nation. Animated with a lively desire of co-operating to my utmost in this great work, I will review as briefly as possible the points to which, in my view of the subject, they should give the earliest attention. Supposing the campaign to be terminated, nothing appears more natural than to examine the causes that gave rise to it. Such examination will show that these ungrateful settlers provoked the war; again, it is known that, in case of a war, the aggressor is responsible for the consequences, and therefore the rebels of Texas should defray the heavy expenses of the march of the army to the frontier. But in what manner is the payment of the debt necessarily due to the nation to be exacted? Upon this important point it is necessary that a definitive answer should be given me. The next question is-What is to be done with the Mexican and foreign prisoners, taken by main force, by capitulation, or by surrender at discretion? Again, what is to be done with their property and families? Shall they be sen out of the Republic; shall they be sent into the interior, or be left were they were? And what is to be done with those Anglo-American or European settlers, who have taken no part in the revolution? Shall they be sent to the frontiers or to the coast, or shall their property De valued, and shall they be remunerated with other vacant lands, or in money? There are also several foreigners who have introduced themselves without passport or any recognition of the authority of the Republic, these it would appear proper to treat as invaders, or at least to send off at once from the Mexican soil. There are also in Texas considerable numbers of slaves, introduced there by their masters, under certain pretexts of apprenticeship. These, according to our laws, ought to be free. Shall we longer permit these unhappy beings to groan in chains, in a country whose beneficent laws protect the liberty of man, without any distinction of color or caste? These are points of which it is important to anticipate the consideration, and which, I hope, will be settled with wisdom, that we may not fall into another error, like that committed by us in permitting Texas to be colonized by Anglo-Americans. In my opinion, these have already a known and determinate value, as well in America as in Europe, and there is no need of favouring foreigners with them, when we can make use of them ourselves. Military settlers, after the mode of those established by Russia in Siberia, by England in the East Indies, by Spain herself in these countries, would, in my opinion, be suitable for the Texas. It will also be proper, that the General Congress, instead of devising a new colonization law, should concert a plan by which the pay of such civil and military employés as are willing to avail themselves of such offer, may be formed into a capital, giving them two thirds of their due in lands and one in money, for the forming of their establishments; it being understood, that, to guard against abuses, the Government shall take strong measures for the due regulation of the same, and for effecting the desired end. From such a measure, I am persuaded that the greatest advantages would result to the nation, among which the first would be a diminution of the annual expenses; the second, the population of Texas by Mexicans, and third, (by far the most important of all) the preservation of the integrity of our territory. Nor let it be said that we have not laborious Mexicans, capable of establishing themselves on the limits of our frontier, when in my long journey from Mexico to this point, I have ascertained that the contrary is the fact. I have observed in the population of the farms and hamlets the best disposition to advance as pioneers into the interior, the major part of them being composed of laborers and shepherds. The case may be otherwise in great cities, where the kind of industry exercised by the mass, and unfortunately too, their demoralized state, may disqualify them from any other kind of occupation than the manufactures to which they have been brought up. If the officers, civil and military, who had formed their pay into a capital, were obligated to people their lands with Mexicans, the result would be, that as many of their families as went to the Texas would be so many individual empresas (legal settlements of land,) gathering round them a multitude of useful and laborious hands. If, on the other hand, the Texas should be peopled with Europeans, or be left deserted, it would be necessary constantly to maintain there a numerous and increasing body of troops, exposed, in the first instance, to continual inroads and annoyances, for be these foreigners of what nation they might, they would always assimilate more to the customs and interests of their neighbours, than of our people, removed at so great a distance from them; and, in the second instance, the said troops would always be exposed to a want of provisions in a country so deserted. But be it as it may, it is my firm persuasion that we ought not to run the risk a second time of a frontier covered either by Anglo-Americans or Europeans, and still less of the lands lying upon our coasts, which should not be left open even to those who took no part in the actual revolution of Texas. If we listen to the counsels of prudence, we shall station them more in the centre of the Republic, in order not again to expose ourselves to lessons for which our former inadvertence has paid so dearly. Nor must we lose sight of the fact, that the war waged upon our people by the barbarous hordes upon our frontiers, is fomented by the said settlers, who in exchange for the articles received from them, furnish them with arms and ammunitions, a commerce as iniquitous in itself as it is lucrative to the reckless beings who carry it on. All these are, in my opinion, considerations which the Supreme Government should present for the action of the legislative body, towards definitive arrangements in regard to the Texas. A fatal experience ought to lead us to the conclusion, that such foreigners as henceforth present themselves as candidates for any civil employ, should have been naturalized for the term of at least ten years, should be proprietors to a certain amount, and should have established themselves according to the regulations exacted by law. Unless some such laws as these be established, it will be impossible to prevent the introduction of lawless foreigners, who will contaminate the rest by their revolutionary ideas, too many of which have already taken root in the soil of this country. But, in order to carry into effect the above mentioned plan for forming a capital, only a very small portion of the territory of Texas will be required; and what is to be done with the remainder of the immense vacant lands of this beautiful province? Supposing that the borders, and the land adjacent to the shore, are to be peopled with Mexicans, as was before proposed, I should be of opinion that the said lands ought to be divided into acres; this done, an office should be established, similar to the land offices in the United States of America, and which are one of the great sources of wealth in that Republic. There the minimum price per acre, taking the good with the bad, is fixed by a decree of Congress at one dollar and a quarter; now, considering that our lands are considered to be superior in every respect to those here spoken of, could we not sell the acre at a dollar? It appears to me we could, and I am of opinion that, if the sale of these lands, at that price per acre, was granted, the nation could find new resources for recruiting our treasury, and would at the same time be spreading the blessing of civilization to those places, which, on the other hand, may readily be brought into frequent communication with the rest of the Republic, by means of the Mexican Gulf. If we may judge by the maps that have been made, and by the relations of persons who have traversed Texas in different directions, this territory cannot contain less than a hundred millions of acres, an estimate that may convey some idea of its importance. But, in order to neutralize the influence which Europeans purchasing lands might exert, not speaking of Anglo-Americans, for they ought to be excluded in toto, it would be proper not to sell to the French, for example, more than five millions of acres; to the English an equal portion, to the Germans a somewhat greater quantity; but to every nation speaking our language, no limits might be set, since neither the inhabitants of Colombia, of Cuba, of the Canaries, or of Old Spain, feel any desire to unite with our nation. Nothing could be lost in making this essay, and much might be gained; and if so, why should we hesitate to carry it into execution? Should it correspond to our wishes, in other words, should the nation derive from it, solid advantages, it might equally well be applied to California, New Mexico, Colima, Goazacoalcos, &c.; and in proportion as our population increases, we should nave facilitated resources for the nation, without being prodigal of her lands, and without having bound her to a contract calculated to bring upon her ruin and disgrace. The project is feasible, for the lands of Texas now bear a recognised value, as the late revolution has shown, the main object of which was, in part, to realize the value of the same. To Congress does it belong to take such a measure into its serious consideration, upon which I do not think I ought farther to enlarge, lest I should appear to trespass upon its domain. I now pass to another point, perhaps the most important under existing circumstances; I say existing circumstances, inasmuch as upon a clear view of this question will depend a greater or less degree of resistance on the part of the revolters in Texas, whose interests are compromised therein: I speak of the grants made by the Legislature of the State to various individuals, as well Mexicans as foreigners. In what light are those grants to be considered? as valid, since the revolt of those who have been favored with them, or as null ? Can there be any sufficient title to authorize the sales of lands that have been made in the United States by the purchasers of the same, they not having complied with the requisitions of the law of colonization? I think not; but I consider it very important, and of the utmost moment, that declaration should be made by the Sovereign Congress on this subject; or, at least, that prompt and ample instructions should be given me relative thereto, that may in no way become implicated in a revision of the said grants. It also seems proper for the Supreme Government to consult respecting various tribes that have emigrated from the United States into our territory, and of whom advantage may be taken in favor of the Republic, if certain lands are assigned them. One of these tribes, the Cherokee, rendered important services to the nation in 1827, and has, as far as I understand the matter, a solemn promise from the Government, of lands for their settlement-a promise that has not yet been complied with. And then, what is to be done with the said tribes? Shall they be left without any guarantee, leaving us in such case exposed to their hostilities, or shall we intimate to them that they must evacuate the country? All this, I repeat it, ought to be taken into consideration in time, if it be desirable that I should not walk in the dark. As for the rest, I will do all in my power to bring things to a probable issue; but yet, without the aid and instructions of the Government and the Chambers, I foresee that I may be embarrassed in my determinations. In accordance with justice, I also think it my duty, before closing this note, to manifest to the Government the expediency and policy of establishing premiums of land for such leaders, officers, and troops, as may voluntarily wish to remain in Texas, and to whom it may be thought suitable to grant them. It appears needless to urge the utility of this measure, since it must be evident at first sight, that the farther the military are withdrawn from the bosom of their families and their means, the more liberally should they be dealt with, and on this very endeavor to contribute to their comforts, will the result to the present undertaking, in a great measure, depend. It appears to me that a square league to the heads of the army, half a league to the officers, and a lot to each soldier, would be sufficient for this purpose. In my view of the subject, the proportions are indifferent, so that a provision of the nature here indicated be established. I cannot terminate this note, without calling most particularly the attention of the Govern ment to the fulfilment of the treaty of limits with the United States of America, which has so aften proved abortive, and which it is so important to bring to a speedy conclusion. The mission extraordinary which, according to report, is to be sent to Washington, will assuredly present a favorable opportunity for attaining the desired end, especially considering the known intelligence of the person selected for that office of negotiation. The march of the army to the frontier will also facilitate the demarcation of the boundary line. My view of the matter is in accordance with the observation of the President of the United States of America, that, on account of the revolution in Texas, it is well to prorogue the term stipu lated in the last treaty concluded with Mexico. ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA.”,• From Headquarters at the town of Guerrero, February 16, 1836. I SEEK THEE NOT WHEN MIRTH IS HIGH. BY MRS. C. E. DA PONTE. I seek thee not when mirth is high, In hours like these I do not move I seek thee not amid the throng And kneel before thee there. Oh no, I flatter not, nor vow When others kneel, when others bow, I feel thou art too dear. The vain and giddy follow thee, Believe that yet I love thee well, That whispers thou art dear The spell that makes all language weak |