SENATE.] Lieutenants in the Navy. older lieutenants should be raised, he did not see why the increase should also be given to the younger officers. If, however, the Senate should think differently, he should merely content himself to vote as he saw fit. But he be lieved the gentlemen who had charge of the bill were mistaken in their views in endeavoring to assimilate the pay of the Navy and Army. Mr. HARRISON said, that the idea of the gentleman from New Hampshire was a mistaken one in relation to the brevet rank of the Army. Brevetted officers received no additional pay except in some particular instances. He knew an officer who received, during the last war, the brevet rank of major, and who never to this day received a farthing above his captain's pay. It was a grade which did not necessarily bring with it any additional emolument. The idea of it, in the English service, from which our Army borrowed it, was, that it was a part of a progressive promotion; and, during our late war, it was principally employed as a token of honor bestowed on officers who had distinguished themselves. As to our Naval officers, he would remark, that their situation required that they should sup. port the appearance of gentlemen. When they go abroad, a comparison must take place between them and foreign officers, which is much to the advantage of the latter. They ought to be placed on the same footing, and be able to equal in appearance, and return the courtesies shewn them by foreigners. They had lived for many years on hope, and they began to fear that hope deferred was always to be their lot. He entirely agreed with the gentleman from Tennessee, in his remarks of yesterday, as to the comparative duties and pay of the officers of the Navy and other persons in the public employments. He believed they were deserving, and trusted their deserts would not any longer be neglected. Mr. McLANE observed, that he was in favor of increasing the pay of these officers, but averse to doing it according to the time of service. It was admitted, on all hands, that the disparity between the pay of the Army and Navy was very great; and it was not pretended that that of the Army was too high. He did not suppose that, in fixing the pay of the officers of either, it was intended to remuncrate them for actual services-that was impossible-but to cherish those men whose devotion to their country would be proved in the event of another war. The principle on which they acted was of a higher nature than to admit the supposition that their services and fidelity were to be bought for a price. The object, then, of the bill was to support these men honorably and liberally in time of peace, whose lives were to be risked, in case of a war, for our defence. Now, sir, said Mr. McL.. if the officers of the Army do not receive too much, why should we not advance the pay of those of the Navy? I look upon the Navy as the most important arm of our national defence; and we ought to cherish it in the prospect of its future services. I do not intend to disparage the Army, nor am I insensible to its merits, or forgetful of the many brave officers it has produced. But I must say, that, from the peculiar situation of the country, the Navy is the most important branch of our war establishment. Yet this important branch of service is comparatively neglected. The officers of our Army are brought up in the Military Academy, and are then introduced at once into actual service. The young Naval officer must, on the contrary, educate himself from his own books, and depend on his limited opportunities for improvement. And, when he has toiled through all these difficulties, left in a manner to himself, and arrives at a higher grade, what does he receive? A sum, even if this bill should pass, much less than the pay of the Army officer, who has been educated at the expense of the Government. But it has been said, that he has a chance of sharing prize money. That, certainly was not the case during a peace, and, setting that consideration aside, he would repeat that this was not the JAN. 21, 1828 Priz principle on which they should be treated. They should Mr. WOODBURY observed, that it was immaterial to him what course the bill took. As to that portion of the motion of the gentleman from Georgia, which related to the pay of the surgeons, he thought it superfluous, as the subject was about to be reported upon by the Committee on Naval Affairs; and he understood their object to be, to change the whole system. As to the proposition to place all the lieutenants on the same footing, as to pay, he would observe, that there was this difference between the officers of the Army and Navy: The rank of those in the latter service was the same in their separate grades. It was not so in the former: a captain, for instance, whose commission bore a certain date, and who has served a certain number of years, ranks as a major by brevet ; yet the pay of a captain does not increase according to his brevet rank. But he apprehended that the Senate could not consider the proposition to advance the pay of all the lieutenants without revising the whole system; and, if that was done, regard ought to be had to the recommendations of the individual at the head of the department. And he had already confined his recommendations to the lieutenants who had served ten years. He, there fore, was in favor of the bill as it stood. The gentleman from Ohio had mistaken him, Mr. W., in supposing he was of opinion that the brevet rank entitled an officer to an increased pay. He had only intended to argue that it was a distinction which operated as a stepping-stone to promo│tion, and was confined by the mere force of time. The gen tleman from Ohio being a military man, he had not thought it necessary to explain minutely his views on this head. Mr. BERRIEN said, that the clearness with which the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. SMITH] had treated this subject yesterday, obviated any necessity on bis, Mr. B.'s, part, to say much upon it. But, as to his proposition, he would say one word. A number of the lieutenants of the Navy had presented to the Senate a memorial, appealing, not to the generosity, but to the justice of the country, in a manner which ought not to be neglected. The bill now before the Senate had come from the Committee without a report. By this bill, the prayer of the petitioners was not granted; it was passed by, and a distinct proposition made, in such a manner as to cut off a large number of meritorious officers, in the same grade, from a participation in the benefits to be conferred by the measure. was not his object to oppose the bill, but to obtain a recommittal, in order to ascertain whether the lieutenants of the Navy had not been raised to a rank requiring the performance of a duty, and the assumption of a responsi bility, for which they had not been rewarded, and for which their present pay was inadequate. It had been It JAN. 22, 1827.] Lieutenants in the Navy-Cumberland Road. [SENATE. present compensation would not enable them to bear He hoped that the Senate would agree with him, that such long services and deprivations merited the increase which he proposed to give them. Mr. CHANDLER said, that, if he understood the gentleman, his intention was, first to raise the pay of all the lieutenants ten dollars per month, and then to raise it ten dollars more at the end of ten years' service. He was entirely opposed to the proposition. The motion of Mr. CHAMBERS was then negatived without a division, and the bill was ordered to be engross TUESDAY, JANUARY 22, 1828. shewn that they were placed on a different footing from Mr. MACON made a few remarks upon the bill, in the course of which he observed, that it was not a time to in. crease the expenditure of the Government, as, in the part of the country where he resided, money was never scarcer, nor times harder, than now. He had observed, that it was always a good time to raise compensations, but never a good time to reduce them. He should say no more than that he should vote against the bill. The question then occurring on the passage of the bill, the Yeas and Nays were asked by Mr. BATEMAN, whose call being sustained, the bill passed by the following vote: YEAS-Messrs. Barnard, Barton, Bell, Benton, Bouligny, Branch, Chambers, Chase, Eaton, Ellis, Foot, Harrison, Hayne, Johnson of Ky., Johnston, of Lou., Kane, King, McLane, Marks, Noble, Ridgely, Robbins, Rowan, Sanford, Silsbee, Smith of Md., Tyler, White, Willey-29. NAYS-Messrs. Bateman, Chandler, Cobb, Dickerson, Hendricks, Macon, Parris, Ruggles, Seymour, Smith of S. C., Thomas, Williams, Woodbury-13. CUMBERLAND ROAD. Mr. HAYNE said, that this proposition was different from that of his friend from Maryland. He had not been prepared to meet it, because, until now, he supposed that, apart from the subject of the surgeons, the two motions were similar. The object of the gentleman from Georgia was to equalize the pay of the lieutenants with that of the captains of the Army. He would merely state the effect of this measure. The addition of pay, should this motion prevail, would be twenty dollars per month, while the bill proposes to give only ten. On the relative Mr. HENDRICKS did not suppose that it would be expediency of these propositions the Senate would de- necessary, or that the Senate were disposed, to go into cide. The pay of a captain of the Army was now 1,081 an argument on the principles of the bill. To press dollars; that of the lieutenant of the Navy, with the in- such remarks at this period would be needless and imcrease proposed by this bill, would be 960 dollars; so politic. It had been the policy of the Commissoners to that there still remained a distinction between their pay let parts of the road remain in an unfinished situation; of 121 dollars. Whether it would be proper to go so far and this bill provided for the completion of twenty-three in the increase of the compensation of the lieutenants, he miles, terminating at Zanesville, which had been left in would leave to the Senate, contenting himself with this this condition. He did not think it necessary to argue explanation. upon the obligation of Congress to give this appropriation. The question was then put on Mr. BERRIEN'S motion,That, he believed, had been fully established on former as modified by him, and it was rejected without a division.occasions. It was now necessary that the work should The motion of Mr. SMITH, of Maryland, to amend the progress speedily, as the road, to a certain extent, had bill by striking out the words "who shall have served ten been made, and in its partly finished state would suffer years as such," so as to make the increase of pay appli- damage, if the work were not gone on with. cable to all the lieutenants of the Navy, was agreed to. Mr. CHAMBERS said, that he acquiesced in the propriety of the remark of his colleague, that all the officers of the same grade ought to receive the same pay. He would now submit an amendment which would, he thought, equalise the compensation of the officers of corresponding rank in the Army and Navy. He would move to insert in the first section these words: "and, after ten "years' service, each lieutenant shall receive an additional sum of ten dollars per month, and one additional ration "per day." If this amendment were adopted, it would Take the emolument of the lieutenants of the Navy who had served ten years, the same as that of a captain of the At needed not to be stated to the Senate, that the services of these officers were arduous in the extreme, and that their rank exposed them to expenses which their The bill making appropriations for the completion of the Cumberland Road from Bridgeport to Zanesville, in Ohio, and to cause a survey to be made of the route of the same, from Zanesville, to the Seat of Government in the State of Missouri, was taken up. Mr. CHANDLER inquired what amount of the two per cent. on sales of public lands had been applied to the construction of this road. Mr. RUGGLES said that it would be difficult to an swer the question. In 1807, the law had passed, authorizing the application of two per cent. on the sales of land, to the construction of the road. This two per cent. on the actual sales made in Ohio, had already been absorbed, and a large sum besides. But he did not consider Congress restricted in this matter. It was a great National work, and had been acted upon as such, and appropriations had been made to carry it on independently of the two per cent. The road had now gone beyond the Ohio river, and was progressing towards the State of Missouri, into which it would in a few years penetrate. To stop, seemed now out of the question. The Commissioner of the Land Office had made a statement of the amount of the two per cent. on lands in the State of Ohio, which would be about two millions when all the lands were sold When this sum would be realized, he did not know. It was not his computation, but that of the General Government. The law had been passed to carry on the work to Zanesville and this appropriation was only to complete | what had been begun under that law. He did not suppose there would be any opposition to an appropriation for such an object-as the time for opposing it, if ever, was at the first agitation of the measure. The greater portion of this great national work was completed, and would only require some care on the part of the Superintendent. It had been done in the best manner, and was covered with stone not over four ounces in weight; the surface had become consolidated, and made a firm and durable road. There was a balance of the work, of about twenty miles, from Bridgewater to Zanesville, yet to be completed, and, for that, this appropriation was to be made. The labor must be done gradually, as, if the stones were immediately covered with earth, they would settle and make holes. For this reason, Congress had, formerly, made such appropriations as the different stages of the work required. But it was now necessary to provide a sum sufficient to complete the road, and to cover all the little repairs that would be required. This section of the road was through a clay soil, and was very difficult to be worked upon, so as to form a solid and permanent work. The advantage of the road would be found to be very great; and one fact might be mentioned in relation to its effects as felt by the Government itself. Formerly, on this route, the mail contractors received eighty dollars a mile, while at present, they contract to carry the mail for thirty dollars-making a saving of fifty dollars. He hoped the bill would not meet with opposition that would require an elaborate debate upon it; and the time of the Senate might be spared. Mr. CHANDLER was not satisfied with the answer given. He wished to know how much had been received and expended, that they might know what to depend upon hereafter. Mr. BRANCH made some remarks in opposition to the bill, and reflected on the manner in which appropriations had been distributed among the several States. And Mr. COBB said he had once discussed this subject; and he had no desire to do it again: But he could not refrain from noticing a document which lay on the table, and which gave an enormous sum as necessary for the repairs of the road. It stated that it would cost only four hundred thousand dollars if repaired on the M'Adam's system. If what had been done, already, required so large a sum for repairs, was it not incumbent on the Senate to consider what the repairs of the road, when extended to the Seat of Government of Missouri, would cost? also the continual charge, for repairs, of the projected road from Maine to New Orleans. Now, sir, said Mr. C., what enormous amounts will it not require to keep these great works annually in repair. Why do not the friends of the whole system establish toll gates, and make those who travel upon the road pay for it? As it is now, we, after having made it, are obliged to support it, ourselves. If the friends of the project have it in their pawer to make the road, why not make use of their power to pay the expences of its repairs? Congress has been going on for years in its lavish expenditures on this object; and now the effect of its extravagance was beginning to be made manifest. Mr. C. said he hoped an inquiry would be had into the estimates and expenditures for this object; and he believed it would be found that the latter had, in every instance, exceeded the former. Mr. HARRISON said, that he would not take to himself any portion of the imputation of uncharitableness, which had been alluded to by the gentleman from North [JAN. 22, 1828. Carolina, because he had never refused to vote for any appropriation, for purposes similar to this, let them be in what part of the Union they might. Let any rational project be brought forward, and he would cheerfully vote for it. The gentleman from North Carolina seemed to blame the Western States, because internal improvements had not been made in his State. But, said Mr. H., we could not originate any measure of the kind, because we did not know the localities. In all these questions it was neces sary to inquire whether the work was, or was not, a national one. Let that question be decided, and he believed the gentleman from North Carolina might be sure of the aid of all the Western members. The State of Ohio was now constructing a great National Canal, to which she looked for highly beneficial results. She did not derive any great benefit from the Cumberland road, and had not asked much aid. The United States at large would derive more good from it by far, than his State, or indeed the Western States separately. It was a national object, highly valuable to the General Government, under many considerations. It enhanced the value of the public lands, and accelerated the progress of settlements upon them. It was, also, one of the great links by which this country was bound together. Had the gentleman from North Carolina known the country before the road was com menced, and seen it latterly, he would have been at no loss to feel the importance of this work. Formerly, when a person went to the Western country, it was looked upon as though he had cut himself off from the world. Instances frequently occurred of aged individuals who went early to the West, returning to visit their friends before they died, who never expected to see them again. All this was now changed; the communications had become frequent and easy; and not only old family connexions were renewed, but new alliances were frequently formed, having a tendency to unite with a kindly feeling the dis tant portions of the country. My friend from Georgia, said Mr. H., says that we of the West are the cause of saddling the Government with a vast expense for the construction and repair of the road. In reply, I can only say, the advantages are equal to the expenditure. He did not think it necessary to argue the constitutional question, which he agreed with his colleague had long since been settled: and in conclusion, he would again assure his friend from North Carolina, that he would give his cordial aid to any measure which should be proposed for the benefit of that State. Mr. BRANCH made some further observations in opposition to the general principle, and remarked, that he hoped the question would be discussed on its proper grounds-the constitutionality of such appropriations; and expressed a hope that the time would come for stopping the progress of this tremendous exercise of power. Mr. SMITH, of Maryland, said he never had suppos ed that Congress took upon itself the right of making internal improvements, or had aided any project not au thorized by the States, as was intimated by the gentleman from North Carolina. On the contrary, he recollected that a gentleman from Virginia had formerly brought for ward a resolution that each State might make such inter nal improvements, within its own limits, as should be deem ed expedient; and that, in those cases, if the Govern ment of the United States had any funds to spare, they might be applied to aid those States in carrying their por jects into execution. In pursuance of this resolution, said Mr. S. we have gone on and subscribed for stock in va rious works of internal improvement; but never without the consent of the States. The Cumberland road was commenced during the administration of Mr. Jefferson and Congress had gone on, appropriating for its progress until it had nearly arrived at Zanesville. The work had been done in a most substantial manner, and was not sur passed any where--certainly not equalled in the United JAN. 22,, 1828.] Cumberland Road. [SENATE. States. And now a small appropriation is wanted to com- lands, which was to have been applied to the construction plete it as far as it has gone; and are we to stop short? of this road. But that was when the lands were at two Why, sir, it is a great national work, which will be spoken dollars an acre. Since that time, they have been reof in the history of our country, as one of the means which duced to $1 25; and there was another bill before the a wise Government made use of to draw together the dis- Senate, which proposed to reduce that still lower. Betant sections of this vast nation. But it is argued that sides, we are continually giving those lands away. I rethe two per cent. on the sales of public lands will not member, said Mr. M. the gentleman who formerly introcover the cost of the road. And 'suppose it will not; duced the bill to fix the price at the present minimum ; are we to relinquish a great national work on grounds he said he would go no farther-that gentleman has since like these? Certainly not. And while this complaint is been a minister to a foreign court, and is now unfortunatemade, Congress is taking the very course to prevent the ly dead. But so we go on, doing more and more to make construction of the road out of the two per cent. by the Government a complicated concern, and still going giving away the lands all over the Western country, and astray from its original design. It had been said by genthus taking the surest means of destroying that fund. If tlemen who supported this bill, that the constitutional this system of donations is stopped, the means afforded question had been settled. But he thought it would never by two per cent. on the sales of land may prove adequate be settled until it was fixed. And when that time came, to the work. But, otherwise, it certainly cannot. Much by common consent, there would be no more talking has been said about the expense of keeping the road in about it. How long was it before Congress granted the repair. But, if it is so great a burthen, why not give it money for the Delaware Canal? The debate upon it was up to the States through which it runs? Maryland passed long and obstinate-sufficiently so to show that the conan act agreeing to take the road, if the United States stitutional principle was not so fully settled as some genwould cede it to her. But Congress refused to cede to tlemer. supposed. I always thought this road made by unher the 30 miles that runs through her territory; and since constitutional means. And I don't agree on this head Congress was averse to giving up the road, he hoped they with the gentleman from Kentucky, who complains of would allow it to progress. The expenditure was nothing the operation of the Courts in his State. On that point I in comparison to the object. go with him. He, like all of us, disputes the powers of Some gentlemen, said Mr. S. have complained that Congress, where they go against him. I never doubted, their States have received no benefit from the system of said Mr. M. that a good road was a good thing. I say internal improvement. Well, sir, some things are useful amen to that. I am willing to give the two per cent. to to some parts of the country and not so to others. The the States, to make their roads; and then I wish to have West do not want fortifications, while the Atlantic States done with them. I don't want that Congress should have do. And two fortifications are now erecting in the State any thing to do with such works as this in the several of North Carolina. It is true that these works cannot States. Let them do them themselves. I have often heard come under the term of internal improvement; but they of great National works, and that they were free from tolls are something. And did not Congress give a sum of to all the People of the country. I know it is a very money, a year or two since, for the Dismal Swamp Ca- pleasant thing to travel over a fine road for nothing. But hal? I know that the gentlemen from Virginia spoke and I should like it better had it cost the Government nothing; voted against it; but I dare say they chuckled when it but been made by the enterprise of the States. He besucceeded in spite of their constitutional objections. Con- lieved that, in foriner times, People had less change to gress had also subscribed to make a Canal from the Ches- pay their tolls with than they have now. I don't believe apeake to the Delaware; indeed they had given to every that we can bind the country together by legislation, unportion of the country, where it was wanted, their assist-less we adhere to the Constitution. And the more you ance; and doubtless would act favorably on the project stretch the Constitution, the more you create heart-burnpresented yesterday, by the gentleman from Alabama. ings among the different States; because the People [Mr. S. here enumerated several other works, among never will believe that they are treated alike; and they which was the deepening of Savannah river, to which Con- can't be, in a country so large as this is. What is to be gress had lent its aid.] And so we have gone on, to clear the result of this straining of the Constitution? Look at harbors, make roads, canals, &c.—and shall we now stop, your table; nearly ready to break down with applications and refuse to complete less than 30 miles of the Cumber- for the extension of our supposed powers to roads, canals, land Road? He would not believe that work was to end and every description of works. Let Congress adhere here. He knew that North Carolina wanted assistance. to the true meaning of that instrument, and they will get She had an iron bound coast, and he was glad that she rid of these difficulties. Here you see a great and rich was about to become a commercial State. He did not State coming forward, with a petition, and stating that hear the speech of the gentleman yesterday, [Mr. BRANCH] they are poor and want assistance. This is always the but that gentleman showed him the memorial of his Peo- strain. I read all these documents, or, if I leave out any, ple, previous to presenting it, and he [Mr. S.] told him they are the petitions and memorials of the manufactu that a bill drawn up upon it, would pass the Senate. To rers. Sir said Mr. M. we are in the fair way to destroy every part of the country, where it was needed, improve- this Government, and to ruin the country. Such will be ment ought to be extended, and he [Mr. S.] should never the case when the infringements upon the Constitution withhold his vote where it could be beneficially used. have gone a little farther. I wish to adhere to its letter Mr. MACON said that the powers of the Government and its spirit. Let me say that a vote against any assumwere limited. But by implication and construction you go ed power does nothing. The only case which I know, on and make the Government harder and harder to man- that was settled in the negative, was the sedition law. I age, and create jealousies and heart-burnings among the am nearly done; and I did not mean to have said a word People. The Government is now a very complicated on the subject, and I do not believe I should, if an allumachine, and every new power makes it more compli- sion had not been made to the Constitution. If you go cated. If he was not mistaken, there was a gentleman on in your present career, and destroy the Government, present, who proposed a road in the Cherokee Nation. what will your State Governments do? They will set about Every thing now is national or anti-national. Formerly, looking up another sedition law, and then consolidation they were divided into Federal and anti-Federal. And, will follow. The Federal Government has established gasaid Mr. M., I suppose this will be a Federal road, because ming shops. I mean the banks and lotteries; and in these it is made by the Federal Government. The gentleman and other games, our liberties and our Constitution are from Maine has alluded to the two per cent. on sales of likely to be gambled away. SENATE.] Cumberland Road. [JAN. 22, 1828 it can operate here, surely it is not presuming too much to suppose that it may exercise its influence elsewhere. What an electioneering weapon do gentlemen thus place in th hands of this government! It stood Mr. TYLER expressed the hope, on his rising, that the Senate would experience no alarm at the circumstance of his having taken the floor. He did not rise to go into a constitutional discussion. He rose only to tender to the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. SMITH] Virginia has been, over and over again, reviled, and who had just addressed the Senate, his thanks for the efforts have been unceasingly made to ridicule her for remarks he had made, and to correct him in one parti- her advocacy of principles at war with the latitudinarian cular. He begged leave to premise, that there was no principles of this day. And yet, Sir, what fruit has been member of that body whom he held in higher respect the result of a departure from the cause she has untiringly than the gentleman from Maryland. If I had been for maintained? May I not boldly challenge an investigation the first time engaged in the investigation of this sub-into this subject? Congress incorporated the Bank of ject with a view to arrive at satisfactory conclusions, the United States. It was done from the best of motives, the gentleman would have convinced me, [said Mr. T.] I admit. The war left us with a flood of paper money, of the inexpediency, apart from the unconstitutionality, which there was no inclination, and but little ability, to of exercising this power to make roads and canals. redeem in specie. The great object of incorporating The gentleman, sir, has visited the representation on this bank, was to use it as an instrument to bring about this floor, of many of the States, and sustained by the specie payments; and yet, in this the country was wholly Honorable Senator from North Carolina [Mr. BRANCH] deceived. It was used as the instrument of speculation has represented them as yielding to the allurements and stock-jobbing. I have a personal knowledge upon presented in some local scheme. He has portrayed this subject, arising from the fact of my having been de them as voting for the exercise of this power, whenso-puted, along with others, on a committee appointed by ever the State they represented was interested in the the other House, to investigate its actual condition. The scheme proposed. He has paid his respects, among report of the committee will justify what I say. others, to my honorable colleague, [Mr. TAZEWELL] who on the verge of bankruptcy; and the government, no is not now in his place, and while he does him the jus- longer relying upon it to accomplish the object of its in tice to admit, that he voted against the appropriation of corporation, had to coerce the payment of specie, by a re$150,000 to the Dismal Swamp Canal, represents him as solution requiring all duties and taxes to be paid in specie. chuckling and rejoicing at the fact of its passage. [Here It had parted with the great body of its resources, and Mr. SMITH explained.] I should be happy, could I be injudiciously deputed an agent to England to procure lieve that I misapprehended the gentleman. I am certain specie, which was no sooner procured than it was again that the gentleman intended no disrespect to my colleague. wanting. Its operation has served, in an eminent degree, Far from it. He felt it his duty to express the thorough to cripple the state institutions, without affording any cor conviction, that no local benefit or temporary expediency responding benefits. I cannot, sir, part from this subject could ever lead that gentleman to do other than regret, without paying to Mr. Cheves the tribute which is due to what, in his conscience, he should believe violatory of him for his after management of that institution. He has the Constitution. Gentlemen might represent, in as bril-thereby justly acquired for himself the character of one liant colors as they might please--paint with the most of the most enlightened financiers. His self denying policy, glowing pencil, the benefits of any scheme, (and he knew and thorough understanding of banking principles, has that all the treasures of rhetoric had been employed in given to the bank the power and influence it now so un. embellishing this usurpation over roads and canals)-and happily enjoys. He said that he did not mean to dwell yet, sir, if it was unconstitutional, it was inexpedient. longer on this subject. He would pass on to that which gave The preservation of the Constitution was the heighth of ex-rise to this debate. The gentlemen from Maryland and pediency. That instrument was the charter of American from North Carolina had given a picture of its practical liberty; destroy it, and that liberty was gone; sap it by operation, which admitted of no addition. Thus, Sir, the gradual encroachments, and its destruction, in the end, is door was fairly opened, and this government threatened, rendered as certain as if it was assailed by the bayonet. as on the Missouri question, to assume a new attitude. But, sir, apart from this, the gentleman has satisfied Forgetful of its actual powers, it sought to usurp the pow me of the utter inexpediency of exercising this power. ers of the people themseives, in the efforts here made to Is it true, that it operates so powerfully on Senators even, fasten on the people of Missouri a Constitution which they selected, as they are presumed to be, for their gravity, did not approve. Thus is it always with power-ever their wisdom, their attachment to the Constitution, their accumulating, and ever seeking fresh pretexts for its enelevation, above the mere ephemeral policy of the hour, largement. Mr. TYLER disclaimed all intention, in any their indifference to the agitations of party; is it true, that thing he said, to awaken an unpleasant emotion in the this allurement of State interest causes them to embrace breast of any one who heard him. He would not quesit without stopping even to glance at the Constitution, the tion, that gentlemen, with whom he at that day differed, charter of their rights, and those of the States? If it be were actuated by as honest views and convictions as goso, it is time to arrest this monstrous evil. Gentlemen, verne himself. His motive in adverting to this topic, after this, in vain will present to my acceptance, arrayed could not be misconstrued. He did it to show the dan. as it may be in all the finery in which their imaginations gers of construction, the evils which had sprung from can clothe it, this power, however fair they may re-adopting the commentaries of modern politicians, in place present it. I shall only be able to regard it as an old wrinkled hag, corrupted and corrupting. Sir, said Mr. T. all will concur in the importance and necessity of guarding against the accumulation of patronage in the Executive hand. That patronage will never fail to be exercised for ambitious and time-serving purposes. I mean, sir, to make no charge against the present Administrators of the Go vernment; I seek to awaken in the discussion of a grave question, no party feeling; I should thereby only disap. point my own object. Will the members of this body continue longer to exercise a power which, according to the showing of the gentleman from Maryland, may be used so directly as a bribe upon the several States? If of the plain wording as the instrument itself. |