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tack on the present Administration, and to insist upon an inquiry, with a view to their defence and exculpation. I would suggest to those gentlemen, that, if their object is to whitewash the Administration, they can accomplish it only by giving the inquiry a direction such as I have proposed. All the other points of inquiry that have been suggested, are perfectly immaterial, so far as this Administration is concerned. But if there has been anything extravagant or improper in the application of the contingent sund, they ought to be held responsible for it. I have no knowledge, as to the manner in which this fund has been employed, particularly as relates to diplomatic agents and messengers sent abroad. I have, however, seen it repeatedly stated in the public prints—and I can make the matter no more notorious by stating it here, or I would not state it—that a distinguished editor of a newsaper in Virginia, received from the contingent fund a. {. 1700 dollars, for going to Buenos Ayres on public business, when, in fact he went to Europe on his own. Abuses of this kind, if they exist, ought surely to be exposed and corrected. . If they do not exist, it is due to the officers implicated, that the truth should be presented in an authentic form to the public. I think the contingent fund a very proper subject of investigation, with. out any reference to alleged abuses. There should be an annual scrutiny by the committees of this House into the application of all the contingent funds, and the scrutiny cannot be too minute. , Sir, I was anxious to get rid of this subject altogether ; but, as it has been forced upon us from all sides of the House, I can consent to it only in the specific and practical form,indicated in the amendment I have submitted. Mr. RANDOLPII addressed the Chair. That has arrived (said he), which must have been foreseen by every member yesterday, whether he voted for or against the motion to lay this resolution on the table. This House is converted into an electioneering arena. not, permit me to say before I go any farther, have inquired of the gentleman from Ohio “over the way”—I will not say out of the way—at which of the two gentlemen from Virginia who had spoken on this subject he levelled his remarks, if he had not responded to the inquiry of my . that he did not intend them for him ; and, as at my call he declares that he did not intend them for me, I leave it to that other gentleman from Virginia, who. ever he may be, who has spoken on this debate, to take them to himself. [Here Mr. WRIGHT asked permission to explain– but Mr. RANDOLPH refused to yield the floor for that purpose.] But, (continued Mr. R.) if the gentleman meant my colleague, [Mr. Floyd] to my colleague H relegate the gentleman, being well satisfied that he could not be in better hands. Yes, Sir, with this thing I have done forever. I will not be provoked, nor will I suffer myself to be induced to enter into personalities with any man upon this floor; but I do, know that the newspapers have it in their power, and, whether designedly or not, they do exercise that power, of giving to my remarks a pungency and an application, which, as made by me, they were divested of—I refer now to a late and noto. rious occasion. And now, Sir, let me call the attention of the House to the amendment of the gentleman from South Carolina, and the peculiar state of things in which we are. I will vote for the amendment of the gentleman from South Carolina, but, if it is adopted, I shall vote against the resolution, as amended. I was sent here to discharge the dutics of a Representative to the best of my ability, for the good of those whom I represent ; and that duty I shall discharge, undeterred by calls of yeas and nays, and by the bug bears and hobgoblins which may be conjured up of any supposed responsibility—

I should

undismayed by any fear of imputations of suppresing inquiry, or of conniving at public abuses—inseo to any imputations of throwing out against Governo charges which I am not prepared to establish. I vote against the resolution, fearless of consequeroa and the motives upon which I vote I will avow to * constituents, and in the face of the world. I have seve yet refused to do so, under much more trying crus stances than the present—for, in proportion as the is mosphere presents nothing but clouds and darknes” the view of the gentleman from indiana, [Mr. Blast = to me the aspect of it exhibits indications of reto. * sunshine. No, Sir, I shall not be deterred. I shalwhatever I think right—and when I say so, I do outs: that others will not—far from it—I will not vote for * proposition, whether from friend or from foe, who think calculated to injure the great cause of the Peo of these United States. No, Sir, no gloss that cano given to my words, no coloring whatever that maybe to upon my conduct, shall induce me to say, aye whenlo inclined to say no, or no when my feelings promo to say aye. i may stand alone. I have been in * minorities under the first of the present dynasty.o have been in a minority under the second, and it ** possible I may be in a minority now—but that winno difference to me. Sir, it is a received maxim of the common law, no from the only fountain of wisdom, experience, * : the experience of ages) that no man shall be truso." try his own cause, or be a witness in his own case. on the application of that wise and salutary maxim to present situation, that I say no to this inquiry: Is The gentleman from Indiana has told us that, for ho he is willing to sink or to swim with the AdminishHe has nailed his colors to the mast. Sir, I admir: * gallantry, but he must pardon me if I have no wo sink along with him, or, what is worse, to sink the to in which I am embarked against him, by agreeing to as measure, prudent or imprudent, concerted or unco ed, matured or precipitate, which any new or * * member may throw into this House. I say to that's man, and to others, that, as soon as they give of helm, we are responsible, and not before, for the ** of the ship. But I will not consent to inflate her so I will not consent to impel her canvas-I will not to to work like a galley slave at pulling the oar, while so has a helmsman who may at any time he pleases run te on a shoal, and make me responsible for the result so Sir, I will be content to wait. I will wait, Sir, ". factious majority of the People of the United so who have returned a factious majority to the * House, and as I hope to this also, shall have slo. factious President. sir, you had scarcely taken. seat in that chair, before one of the master spirits of or times sneeringly said to us, I wish you joy, you o the majority in both Houses, and you are responso the measures of Government. I cry you mercy, Miss Stephen, I cry you mercy—we are not, and do not o to be thus responsible ; and for that very reason, bea. we do not, I shall vote against this measure, and *S*. any other out of the ordinary routine of busino. may be brought up. Sir, with the gentlem." o South Carolina [Mr. McDurrie] I am for masks off. Anow what do you mean to do o Do you mono gentleman from South Carolina said, to send"?” who is both witness and judge in his own case.”. using this language, it may be said that I am no plications against illustrious and great men, to *** the People of the United States, and a just posteño.” even the present age, will not fail to do justice. Sir, I do no such thing—I make no other implication than that

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ties implicated, than can justly be demanded from human nature, and therefore at least as much as can fairly be demanded of them, to ask them to decide in this case. You are requiring men, whose political existence hangs by a single hair, and who have already the risus Sardonicus of political death upon their countenance—for it was with a Sardonic sneer that we were told that we had become responsible for the measures of the Government ; you are required to call upon them to do any thing which may have an effect to hasten that event. Sir, I will do no such thing. I will not call upon them. ...And why not Because I may, by possibility, by that call, put it in their power to protract a little longer their political lives. I say by possibility ; and that is a possibility which I am determined to avoid. No, Sir ; if this House is to be converted into a political arena, and I shall be accused as one of the gladiators, whether the man with the trident or him with the net, I do not say, I am clear that we should so speak that every man, woman, and child in the United States, shall be able to understand our drift. I then shall call upon the present men in power for nothing that can, directly or indirectly, enable them in the smallest degree to affect the great question which is now at issue between them and the People of the United States, in which, as interested parties, I will take none of their evidence that I can avoid. I believe I have, by this time, pretty well explained my object. Sir, what should we have said, thirty years ago, of one of that party, to which I had the honor to belong, as the youngest and most humble member, if he had brought forward a proposition, unconsulting and unconsulted, which might give the adverse party some color to their sinking cause, and put it in their power to live one more term But, sir, I have another objection to the resolution. The public mind is in a state of excitement, such as must ever exist on the eve of a great political battle. And, Sir, I should as soon look for perfect calmness and composure on the eve of a battle of another sort, or rather after the fight has begun, as that such an inves: tigation should now be conducted with that patience and deliberation which it demands. Sir, the adverse party would gladly catch at such a resolution. In the time to which I have referred, the ruling party, for they held their majority in both Houses to the last, did catch at some such straws: they were drowning men—drowned they are. I had intended to have said something as to the challenges so boldly made, to point out the offices that ought to be abolished, and the expenditures which ought to be retrenched. But I feel my strength unequal to my purpose. But I must say, that in the affair of the Panama (since called the Tacubaya) mission, not okly new offices were created, but new doctrines were started in reference to the Executive prerogative, which were wholly unknown to the Constitution and to the practice of the predecessors of the present Chief Magistrate ; and I will tell my worthy colleague, [Mr. Floyd] if he will permit me, that there has been an im: provement on his plan of sending Ministers abroad, and bringing them back when they have finished their business; for they are now sent abroad on sleeveless errands, that they may come back, reinfecta, to pocket their emoluments. Is not this the fact Sir, we have had (to say nothing of Tacubaya) two missions to England under this Administration : one of them was a complete abortion ; and as to the other, what has it done for the public good what object has it accomplished We were told by the very accurate gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Buch ANAN] whom I always hear with pleasure, that these missions were justified" on the ground that the acquisi

• Mr. RANDOLPH did not mean to be understood as saying that the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Bucha NAN] justified the “Moxious,” but the office here charged with the business which those missions created. Neither did he mean to express himself, that the

tion of South-America had created a swarm—I believe that was the word—of Diplomatic appointments. . So much the worse for us, sir. Are we, whenever a nation, great or small, changes its relations to another nation, and becomes independent of that other nation, instantly to send off Ambassadors to it? Are we to make use of the incident as a pretext for increasing that patronage which all profess to wish to diminish But we are told that the President has recommended to us econony and retrenchment. Yes, sir, he did recommend them, in one of those lofty generalities with which all sermons, political or religious, abound, which might be printed in blank, like law process, and filled as occasion might require. But I, sir, am for looking at the practices, and not the precepts of the parson, political or religious. I suppose, sir, our good friends the Greeks– yes, sir, suppose that the Greek—who is Græculus eswriens, the same animal now that he was in the time of Juvenal, except that he is less enlightened and refined— should succeed in throwing off the Turkish yoke—“the faith-keeping Turk”—l suppose we must have an Ambassador sent to every islet and nest of pirates in the AEgean, sir—we must send one to Hydra—one to the Continent—and one, I presume, to each of the Cyclades. So that, if my friend from Virginia, who is a medical man, will permit me the phrase, the disease, instead of being contagious, will be sporadic—as, indeed, it now is—and highly malignant. Sir, I have never seen but one Administration, which, seriously, and in good faith, was disposed to give up its patronage, and was willing to go farther than Congress, or even the People themselves, so far as Congress represents their feelings, desired—and that was the first administration of Thomas Jefferson. Ile, sir, was the only man I ever knew or heard of, who really, truly, and honestly, not only said “nolo episcopari,” but actually refused the mitre. It was a part of my duty, and one of the most pleasant parts of public duty that I ever performed, under his recommendation—not because he recommended it, thank God!—to move, in this House, to relieve the public at once from the whole burden of that system of internal taxation, the practical effect of which was, whatever might have been its object, to produce patronage rather than revenue. He, too, had really at heart, and showed it by his conduct, the reduction of the national debt, and that in the only mode by whicle it ever can be reduced, by lessening the expenses of the Government till they are below its receipts. Sir, there is no witchcraft in that—no, sir—no witchcraft at all—no more in paying a public than a private debt. You may have sinking funds, as many as you please, and never so vast a financial apparatus ; but, if you spend more than yout have, you will be in debt to the end of the world. Sir, so far from fearing any injurious effect from the too rapid payment of the national debt, I would pay the three per cents now—Yes, sir, I would pay them at par, if necessary—for it could only prove that money is worth but three per cent. Sir, I was the humble instrument of introducing the first efficient sinking fund, by setting apart a given sum of $7,300,000, which ever operated to reduce the national debt. When that debt was increased by the acquisition of Louisiana—aye, sir, the acquisition of Louisiana –and who was for and who was against it then –who pronounced the acquisition unconstitutional, and declared, in the other House, that we had no right to tax the People of that country?—the sinking fund was then raised to eight millions. Since that time, owing to the debt created by the expenses of the war, it has been raised to ten millions. The gentleman from New-York [Mr. Tax

thwarted—but that, notwithstanding their labors were directed to the alleviation of the public burthens, and that they were a decided majority, they would have been thwarted by a disciplined tuinority; if they had not acted upon consultation, and in concert, to which they

i.asures of the Republican Party, un the Séventh congress, were wwre compelled by their opponents to resort.-Note by Mr. R.

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Lon] himself admitted—and I thank him for it—(he was obliged to admit it, and therefore, perhaps, my debt of gratitude is the less —that the sinking fund has not been faithfully applied to its object. Sir, I said, in some hasty remarks, when the gentleman interrupted my colleague, [Mr. Floyd] that applying surplus balances to make up what had been pillaged from the sinking fund, was robbing Peter to pay Paul. No, sir, it is no such thing—it is robbing Peter to pay Peter—it is robbing the sinking fund to pay the sinking fund : for, as it has been over and over again said, the sinking fund has not only a right to its own modicum of $10,000,000, but it is residuary legatee besides ; it takes all the surplus, whatever that may be, as its own, and you never can give it any thing in return for that of which you rob it, except out of that surplus which was already its own. Can’t give it any more. Your giving surplus balances to eke out the sinking fund, is nothing more than like the false guardian, who, when he comes to settle his accounts, pays cff his debts to his ward with the money out of which he has cheated him.

We are asked by the gentlemen, why do you not specify Particularize particularize . Shew us the particulars You give us a sum total without any items, as Mr. sterling says in the play. Will the gentleman have one * Sir, I will give you one of them. The House will give me that credit which I demand. It is only my due. I did state that, if we begin this system of reform, it ought to begin, like modern charity, at home. Sir, I never pretended that the House was not answerable for abuses as well as any other branch of the Government. Now for one item of them. Sir, at the first session I was on this floor—it was the last Congress of the first Mr. Adams—whether this will be the last of the second I cannot say—l find this item in the list of appropriations : For the expenses of fire-wood, stationary, printing, and all other contingent expenses of Congress, twenty-one thousand six hundred and sixty-four dollars and forty cents. The sum, Sir, covered the expenses of both 11ouses, and included besides, the extraordinary expense and furnishing each member with a complete copy of the Journals of the old Congress. This House then consisted of one hundred and two members, one only of whom I see now left, [Mr. Livi Ngston.] Now, we have 213 members. Then, according to the rule which has been introduced into this House—Sir, by the simple rule of three, if 102 gives so much, what ought 213 to give This item, be it remembered, included the expenses of the other body, but I shall coine myself now to the expenses of this body alone. For the present year the total estimate for the contingent expenses of this 1souse now differs but a trifle from mincty thousand dollars, of which, I am justified in saying, fifty thousand is for printing alone ; and I have no hesitation in saying, Sir, if the Bitish Parliament paid for their printing by the same rule that we do, it is not five hundred thousand dollars—which we are told exceeds the whole annual expenses of Congress—but that is not my statement, remem. ber—that will defray their printer's bill. No, Sir, and it is not for me to say what would defray it. I happen to have had an opportunity of seeing a good deal of the printing of the British Parliament. It is not made up, like ours, of title pages and blanks, and broadsides of every thing and any thing—motions, petitions, bills, reports, resolutions, amendments, and every matter which can be brought into the Ilouse of Commons. No, sir, they go on and print closely ; and where one line ends, another begins, (1 make no allowance for the high rates of living and wages in that country ;) but I will let the House into the tact, that when the rate of printing for this body was settled, a printer—a worthy and honest man, as I believe—was a member of Congress. I speak from the information of one of the first men in the country. The

Retrenchment.

rate was fixed during the depreciation of paper money,

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which I described yesterday when every thing brought ten prices, and it has remained not unsettled. No, Sir.

for it has been regularly settled and paid ever since.

It has remained, from that time to this, at the same rate—though one dollar now will buy as much of land, slaves, every article from which we draw subsistence, as four dollars would buy then To illustrate this, I will state a fact. A gentleman, whom I knew, owning a fertile, but, as he thought, an unhealthy tract of land, on the Roanoke, sold it, and purchased a small tract, on which he built a house that cost him five thou: sand dollars, and that sum will build what is considered a first rate house in my part of the country. The old itself was not good, nor was it bad. It was what is called fair land. The sate of his affairs, like that of many of his neighbors, soon obliged him to sell, and he sold to land, without any allowance for the improvements, fur three dollars an acre. An acquaintance of mine.” tempted, by the lowness of price, to purchase the farm; thus verifying the maxim of Poor Richard—that he who buys what he does not want, always buys it deat: and so it turned out in this case. If he wished to sellit", he could not get his money back. This single fact" worth all declamation in the world. In the same quito of the country, land (some of it good wood land) ho sold for one dollar per acre : Sir, I have not done with this subject of the Pio lic printing, and the price paid for it. I do not mean" worry the House. It is well known to the members of this ilouse (and I hope what I now say will be to down verbalim, if possible)—that the piblic printer 4 this House are also the editors of the most extens”" I mean in point of superficial content—the most o sive journal in the United States, and one which from having been hitherto considered as possessing * * * at least demi-official character—something like the M*. teur, in Paris, but not exactly—and from observing, " rather professing to observe, a strict neutrality, ho tained a most extensive circulation at home, ano" the most extensive abroad, of any paper in this cou". Now, sir, we also know, that this journal is our " stay and reliance for the reports of our debates, and the proceedings of this House. Sir, I make no insero". farther than to say—I do not say that the political to istence of these people hangs upon the even of the next election—the thread of their existence, like * of the gentleman from Indiana, is connected with that election—they sink with the Administration, ""; abandoned their professed neutrality, if it sinks; and, it does not, they will certainly swim. I make "". inputations on then than that they have $59.9% of annum soaked on the event—on a single card. if the amendment of the gentleman from South co lina shall prevail, if I understand the matter of". o item of expenditure ought to be included, as "" o which we have complete control. I beg pardo". shoul have suggested this before, but I knew that to was a committee of the House whose duty it was to * o its accounts, and to see that no improper "o".” admitted. I have pointed out one abuse, and ' ". done it where it was proper to point it out, at home,” I have known of the existence of these evils for * * time. They were no secret to me, nor did I make : secret of them to any body; but I do know, that: "." might calculate on as much success in going a tiltingnot at shadows, as the gentleman from S. Carolina so-T not like the Knight of La Mancha at sheep and win: mills—but rather at a flock of mad cattle, Pent "s' o narrow lane, as to attempt to ferret out the abuses without having the cordial co-operation of those who as at the head of the Departments, and that co-operatio" it would be worse than folly to pretend to look for." that subject, Sir, I declare the pleasure that it g” in:

JAN. 25, 1828.] Retrenchment. [H. of R.

to bear my testimony, such as it is, along with the be responsible for the consequences. And how ought gentleman from South Carolina, to the public services, we to act in concert Sir, by leaving this Government the intelligence, the integrity, and the indefatigability just in the course where we found it. We ought to obof the officer who is at the head of the Post Office De- serve that practice which is the hardest of all—especipartment. I voted against increasing his salary. It ally for young physicians—we ought to throw in no meis the only one of the Departments which I have dicine at all—to abstain—to observe a wise and maslately had any thing to do with, and whenever . I terly inactivity. I am afraid, Sir, (said Mr. R., on resumhad occasion to go there, I have always found him in ing his seat,) that I have not on this occasion, added to his office, and at his business. Sir, there was a time my precept my example.

when I often had to visit the Departments, (which does [Here the debate closed for this day.] not, however, affect the present Administration,) and

then I seldom had the honor to find any of their high SATURDAY, JANUARY 26, 1828. mightinesses at home—I mean, in their offices. Sir,

we cannot expect the cordial co-operation of the Heads RETRENCHMENT. of Departments in such an inquiry as is now proposed. The House resumed the consideration of the resolu

They are pleading before the bar of public opinion for tions heretofore moved by Mr. Chilton, together with their lives, with a zeal proportioned to the strong evidence the modifications proposed by Messrs. TArlon and before the jury of their guilt. | McDufri E. I shall vote, however, for the amendment moved by And the question being on the amendment submitted the gentleman from South Carolina, and, if it prevails, 1 by Mr. McDuffie to the amendment of Mr. TAYLon—

shall vote against the resolution as so amended. And Mr. CARSON said, that the object for which he had let me, before I sit down, give one warning to all con- originally attempted to obtain the floor was, to state the cerned. This country, as we all know, is divided into resoons which had induced him to vote for laying the retwo adversary parties ; and we must shut our eyes to the solution of the gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. Chilton] fact, if we do not know that this House is nearly, or together with the amendment of the gentlemen from New quite, equally divided between them. Fas estab hoste | York, [Mr. TAylon] on the table. As he had not had doceri. I see one of these parties, perfectly willing, no an opportunity of proceeding after he had obtained the doubt, with the very great man to whom I have before al- floor, he considered it due to himself now to state those luded, to throw upon us the responsibility for whatever reasons. is done here, sitting perfectly still, steadfast, silent, and Mr. CHILTON here requested Mr. CARson to yield him demure, bringing forward no proposition whatever. I see the floor for a moment, and Mr. CARson having done so, the other party throwing out proposition after proposi- Mr. CHILTON asked if it would be in order for him tion. The opposite party never commits itself until af. now to modify his resolutions as no amendment to them ter a night's reflection. And what is the consequence had yet been adopted Though, I believe, a minority, they so manage matters, The SPEAKER replied that it would be perfectly in as on every question to constitute an effective majority of order : Whereupon, this House, and then throw on us the responsibility of their Mr. CHILTON modified his resolutions, so as to read own measures. Sir, this is a new sort of political justice. as follows: Again, I see most plainly, with the gentleman from “1. Resolved, That the Committee on Public Expendisouth Carolina, that this inquiry will end in smoke—|tures be instructed to inquire and report whether any, and I am not one who will light the fire, or help to raise and, if any, what, measures ought to be adopted to dia smoke by which a retreating adversary may cover niinish Executive patronage ; to secure a more effectual and protect his retreat. I will afford them no facilities responsibility in the disbursement of the public money : towards victory. I stand here pledged as their ad- and, also, what retrenchment can be made in the public versary, quoad hoc, and I will add another pledge to expenditures without injury to the public service ; and, oppose any and every party who would impose on this also, whether any, and, if any, what, measures may be country any man, as its Chief Magistrate, besides him adopted for the more effectual application of the Sinking who receives the greatest number of its votes. Sir, if we Fund to the payment of the Public debt. Intist amend the Constitution, I shall not vote for a he- “2. Resolved, That the said committee be directed to reditary Chief Magistrate—I do not belong to that inquire and report to the House the amount of monies Drivileged class—the President of a minority is hardly which have been paid since the 1st of January, 1824, and ress odious than a King—but I warn the House against of the several appropriations made for contingencies of any attempt at reform while the President is not with Foreign Intercourse, and which have been settled at the • 1s. In the Seventh Congress, in spite of all Mr. Jeffer- Treasury, without specification ; and, also the payment son did, his measures were thwarted ; and when was an made out of the same appropriations, and the appropriaA drainistration stronger ? Then, with a House of Re- |tions for the contingent expenses of missions abroad, Presentatives so equally balanced as this, (and 1 take | which have been settled at the Treasury in the usual * I he vote for the election of Speaker as the indication of manner, according to law. sts state,) with the scale vibrating, nearly in equilibrio, it “3. Resolved, That the Committee on the Expenditures is almost impossible to be certain of a majority, let our of the State, Treasury, War, and Navy Departments, be In easures be ever so well concerted. How could we get instructed to inquire and report what sums have been 2.1 ong, even if the Executive was on our side, acting paid, out of the several appropriations made since the ... gainst a solid phalanx who hold together—so perfectly | 1st of January, 1824, for the contingent expenses of the ... ited that we cannot cut off a single straggler, while said Departments, to whom paid, and for what service. ~e ourselves act more like raw undisciplined militia “4. Itesolved, That the Committee of Accounts be direct<ir, I speak from experience. In the Seventh Congress, ed to inquire and report whether any, and,if any, what resir, we never could have got along, with the aid of the trenchments can be made in the expences of this House.” or, ost popular President that ever lived (except one) with Of course, the amendments to the original resolutions L., t consulting before we acted. We were obliged to hold now fell, as their form had been changed, and they were —I will not use a barbarous word which has become com- open for any further amendment which might be proor, on throughout the country, and which I first heard in posed. He is body—but we were obliged to act in concert. And, Mr. CARSON then resumed. In that part of the = , ,-, if we do not act in concert now, it is not we who will rules of the House prescribing the duties of the se

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veral committees, (said Mr. C.) the attention of the Committee on Public Expenditures is particularly directed to this subject, and it is made their duty to examine into the state of the several public departments, and particularly into the laws making appropriations of moneys, and to report whether such moneys have been disbursed conformably with such laws. We find this duty in the 65th rule of this House, as follows : “It shall be the duty of the Committee on Public Expenditures to examine into the state of the several public departments, and particularly into laws making approriations of moneys, and to report whether the moneys |. been disbursed conformably with such laws ; and, also, to report, from time to time, such provisions and arangements as may be necessary to add to the economy of the departments, and the accountability of their officers.” Now, I did believe that the duties of that committee being of this nature, precluded the necessity of the resolution which was offered, and I further thought that this was a very improper time for its introduction—that it could be attended with no beneficial result to the community, and that its only effect would be to waste the time of this body and produce electioneering speeches on this floor. I was not mistaken, as has since been shewn by the progress of the present debate. It appears that even gentlemen who have expressed a disposition to transact the public buisness and return home, have nevertheless been actuated, by an anxiety of a political kind, to turn this matter to the benefit of one or the other of the great parties which now divide this country. He had explained himself on this subject, to a gentleman from Ohio, in the folding room attached to this House a few days ago, where he was justified in saying, that he saw thousands of the celebrated Virginia Address written by Chapman Johnson, folding to be sent to the North and to the West, and even to the South ; and the

hope, I understand, is entertained, that the old State of

North Carolina, among others, is to be revolutionized by the effect of this address of Chapman Johnson. But, sir, I can tell those gentlemen, who expect this to be the result in North Carolina, that they will find themselves completely defeated in all their efforts to produce such a result. Sir, North Carolina has repeatedly been tried, and in every instance she has been true to herself, and done her duty. I mentioned to that gentleman that all such attempts were perfectly useless, and the reply I received was, “ though the chances are now for you, yet a reaction will speedily be brought about,” and this subject is seized upon as one means to aid in producing that result. Sir, I do not care for this. No event in future is more certain, according to my judgment, than the election of General Jackson; but, let that be as it may, I wish to see no discussions on this floor, except such as are calculated to advance the good of the community, and that we may do the public business and go home, instead of remaining here, as the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. RAN dolph] has said, to feed upon the Public Treasury. But, as the discussion is to be proceeded in, I wish to offer a few remarks in reply to some of the expressions which dropped from the gentlemen who have preceded me. And I ask leave, in the first place, to notice some of the remarks of a gentleman from Pennsylvania, Mr. STAw ART.] He said that he would vote for the resolution because it was a measure of retrenchment and economy—but what were his subsequent expressions —why sir, he told us that the sinking fund was too great, and that we were paying off the public debt too fast, and he added that we ought not to do this, because the continu. ance of the public debt promoted economy. Yes, sir, to remain in debt, and to pay large sums for interest, promotes economy. If I recollect right, when a few days

since a discussion took place on a resolution of an honor. able gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. P. P. Bannoun) for selling out the stock held by the Government in the Bank of the United States, the same gentleman from Pennsyl. vania urged another and a different reason why the pub. | lic debt should not be paid off. He then told us that our sources of revenue ought to be curtailed, and new chan. nels of expenditure opened for the national capital to flow in, lest the public treasury should become so full that it would die of plethora. Now, his opinion seems entirely changed—the apprehensions he then felt, have, since that time, it seems, completely evaporated, and he now tells us the public debt must not be paid, because its continance promotes economy. I think that the nature of the concerns of a nation may be greatly simplified by comparing them with those of a judicious private family. The mode which ought to be pursued by the head of such a family, to better his affairs, I should suppose would be to reduce his expences within his income and not to economise by suffering his debts to remain, and the ao cruing interest to prey upon him like a moth.

the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. Blake.] Towards to gentleman I cherish the best feeling—I esteem lim high.

in our political opinions. The true question before the | House, (says that gentleman)is neither more nor less thin this : Is the present a prodigal Administration I wo

friends of the Administration would seek to make it *

by the friends of Gen. Jackson, as furnishing an opporo of preferring charges against the Administration. It” necessary for them to assume this as the true quest."

niums and eulogies upon those who conduct the Go" ment. That gentleman has also complained of the "" representations that have gone abroad against the Ador istration—and hopes there is liberality enough it." House to do them justice, and acquit them of the calo nies which have been heaped upon them, &c. I, too, Mr. Speaker, regret that any misrepresentato should have been made on either side ; but, upon "' soul, I think they have no right to complain on that P* If they will but turn their eyes to what has been said by the Government papers on the character of General Jack son, it must be acknowledged that they have beat"" far in misrepresentation and calumny ; and, Sir, I do." envy them their distinction : for I shall never dispute th: palm with them on that subject. Sir, what has been so or rather, what has not been said against Gen. Jackson Need I refer to all the Administration pre-ses in the "o" ed States ? Need I refer to a recent book published by the Secretary of State, accompanied with letters of “o ficates, I think he calls them, intended to exculpato ho from the charge of corruption Sir, have they stops” here Has the character of Gen. Jackson alone beco sailed No, Sir. Like the Hyena, that fellest of the fill, which robs the graves of the dead, they have entere the

bar of the public, loaded with the basest slanders, th: character of an innocent and much injured lady: Hafe they done this, and do they now complain, and chao" with wishing to heap calumny on the Adminstal" Sir, I propose nothing like it. I would treat the Adoo istration justly ; and all I ask is, that they shall do to same justice to General Jackson, and his friends. The gentleman [Mr. Blake] also asks us, what new offices have been created under this Administra". And he answers the question himself, by saying, no!". The question and the reply are intended to go be?” to: community, and to produce their effect abroad. sir, i. the gentleman accept an answer from me. I answer his

I will next say a word as to the remarks which fell from

iy, and am only sorry that we are not more closely unto

| aware, when the resolution was first introduced, that to

pear that this measure had originated with and was pres"

that they might with the better grace introduce to

sanctuary of domestic retirement, and dragged before the

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