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SENATE.]

General Appropriation Bill.-Surviving Officers of the Revolution.

Persuaded, that the two arguments did not fit; they could not stand side by side; they were irreconcileable with each other.

If the officers are entitled, according to the strict letter of the compact, then there is no propriety in attempting to rouse our feelings, and enlist our sympathies in their behalf. Let justice be done, at all hazards. Again, if their claim is a legal claim, then it is abundantly mani fest, that it must survive to their legal representatives; and we are under as strong obligations to provide for the widows and orphans of the two or three thousand who sleep with their fathers, as the two or three hundred who happen to be now in existence. He was also inclined to believe that the claims of the private soldier of the Revolutionary war, rested on as solid a foundation as those of the officers, for they too had suffered by depreciation. He never would consent to place the officer, who had reaped the laurels of victory, on a different foundation from the private soldier, who stood by the flag of his country, sti. mulated alone by patriotism. That he might have time for reflection and examination, he moved that the bill be laid on the table, and made the order of the day for Monday next.

Mr. HARRISON rose to suggest to the gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. BRANCH,] whether his object would not be equally well attained by moving an adjournment. That would give him ample time to investigate the report of the Committee, and fully inform himself on the subject The gentleman proposed making this bill the order of the day for Monday next; but he would state, that there are many important bills the orders of the day, about that time, with which this might probably come in conflict. He would further state, that there were several of the officers now in the city, awaiting the decision of Congress, in regard to their claims. He there fore hoped the gentleman would consent to an adjournment, in order that the bill might not be delayed.. Mr. BRANCH then withdrew his motion.

FRIDAY, JANUARY 25, 1828.
GENERAL APPROPRIATION BILL.

The bill making appropriations for the support of the
General Government was read the third time.

Mr. KING inquired of the Chairman of the Committee whether the Government had not sent a Minister to Colombia; and, if so, why an outfit was not found in the appropriations?

Mr. SMITH, of Maryland, said, that the bill had been reported by the Committee of Finance, as it came from the other House. He thought it rather extraordinary, that no appropriation had been made for the object men tioned by the Senator from Alabama. On reference to the estimates, he also found no notice made of an outfit to the Minister at Colombia.

Mr. PARRIS moved that the bill be recommitted to the Committee which reported it, that they might inquire whether a person appointed in the manner in which the Minister to Colombia had been, was entitled to an outfit. Mr. KING objected to the recommitment, as so much time would be consumed by such a course.

[JAN. 25, 1828.

Mr. JOHNSTON, of Louisiana, thought this principle ought to be settled at this time, if possible. He consi dered that no distinction had existed between a Chargé d'Affaires appointed by the Government, and one de. puted by the Minister. The reason for this was, that the same change of circumstances, calling for an increase of expenditure, took place in the one case as in the other. Mr. EATON read the law of 1806, the words of which were, that an outfit should be paid to every Minister or Chargé d'Affaires, "going from the United States"-and from which he argued that, unless they went from the United States, they were not entitled to it.

Mr. SMITH,of Maryland, and Mr. JOHNSTON, of Loui siana,.opposed the construction put by Mr. EATON upon the words of the law.

Mr. EATON replied in support of his previous argument.

Mr. KANE said, that this question was suddenly presented to his mind, but he would not agree with his friend from Tennessee in the application of the law to the precise case presented. Is a Chargé d'Affaires appointed by the President and Senate, residing at the time of his appointment out of the United States, entitled to an outfit' This is the question for decision. It is contended by the gentleman from Tennessee, that the act of 1800 applies the outfit to a person "on his going from the United States." And as this person did not go from the United States, but resided at a foreign court, he is not entitled to the outfit. Were these words intended to fix the time when the outfit should be paid, or do they constitute a condition, without which it cannot be paid? As the rea son of the payment applied equally to this case and to one where the individual proceeded from the United States, Mr. K. said, he felt disposed to believe that parti cular word referred to the time of payment only.

Mr. KING read a list of the different Secretaries of Legation appointed to be Chargés, to show that no one so appointed by a Minister, and who had not received a com. mission from the Government subsequently, had been al lowed an outfit.

After some further remarks by Messrs. JOHNSTON, of Lou. MACON, BELL, and HAYNE, the question was taken on the passage of the bill, and decided in the af firmative.

SURVIVING OFFICERS OF THE REVOLUTION The bill providing for certain Surviving Officers of the Revolution then came up, as the unfinished business of yesterday.

Mr. HARRISON said, he rose to reply to the question put by the Senator from North Carolina to the committee which reported the bill before the Senate. He was ask. ed why the committee had selected 300 or 400 out of the Revolutionary officers to receive the beneficence of the Government. He could easily shelter the committee for what they had done, under the order of the Senate, which had referred to them the particular case of the officers, and no other. But, as he had nothing to conceal in rela tion to his sentiments on this subject, he would say, with out hesitation, that no other description of Revolutionary claims should have been mingled with those which the bill provided for, by his vote. The other Revolutionary claims which had been referred to, addressed themselves to the gratitude, the honor, and, he woukl add, to the inte rest of the nation; for it was certainly the interest of every nation to discharge claims thus supported. In addition Mr. HAYNE made a few remarks on the matter-the to these, however, the claims now presented rested on purport of which was, that Secretaries of Legation, ap. the basis of unfulfilled compact-of violated law. This pointed Chargés, were entitled to outfits. Even in the was the ground taken by the committee, maintained by case of John A. King, who was deputed by his father, it their report, and, in his opinion, established beyond conwas allowed; and it was a general practice to give an out-tradiction, by the able argument of their chairman. If fit whenever the individual, by an appointment, changed his situation so as to be subjected to greater expenses.

Mr. SM TH, of Maryland, also made some further explanations; when Mr. PARRIS withdrew his motion to recommit.

The question then occurred upon the passage of the bill, on which a desultory debate arose relative to the outfits of Chargé d'Affaires.

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this view was correct, the two subjects were so distinct that they ought not to be blended. But does this evince,

JAN. 25, 1828.]

Surviving Officers of the Revolution.

[SENATE.

have been made, not here, but elsewhere, impeaching not only the magnanimity, but the patriotism of the offi cers, in forcing the Government into the measure of promising them half pay for life, I think it proper to give a short account of the origin of this measure, and the influence which produced its final adoption. This is due, not only to the officers, but is necessary to a proper understanding of the merits of the case.

The

upon the part of the committee, any disposition to reject or disregard the claims of the private soldiers of the Revolution No. Let my friend from North Carolina, said Mr. H., bring in a bill to make a further provision for this' remnant of the most patriotic army that the world ever saw, and he will find, that, go as far as he may, I will not be behind him in voting them effectual relief. But this is an entirely different matter; the committee have told you that it can be supported upon principles of The commencement of the fourth year of the war (1778) law, recognised by your courts of justice. Look, Sir, brought with it to encouraging prospect of its speedy said Mr. H., upon the committee, and see of whom it was and successful termination. The gigantic project of the composed. With the exception of myself, who, in cases enemy for cutting off the communication of the Eastern of this kind, requiring legal investigation, could give them with the Middle and Southern States, had, indeed, in the little assistance, where would you go to find four men,* preceding year, been entirely defeated. But although upon whose legal opinions, deliberately formed, the na- astonished at the unlooked for intelligence of the capture tion might rest with more perfect security? The august of a numerous, gallant, and well appointed army, the tribunal, your highest judicial court, now in session in British ministry were neither appalled nor disheartened. another part of this building, would pay the utmost re- If another attempt was made to conciliate, it was attended spect to their opinions, and would long hesitate before with the most vigorous exertions to achieve by arms what they would pronounce one in opposition to such authority. could not be obtained by negotiation. Germany, that I cannot think it necessary to attempt any further elu- store-house of armed men, was ransacked for hirelings cidation of that part of the argument of this case which to wage war upon a distant, and, to them at least, unplaces it upon the ground of a legal claim, and not of a offending People. The guards of their King were put gratuity. Indeed, it would be presumption in me to at- in requisition. The dock yards and the arsenals resoundtempt it, after the Senator from New Hampshire. I shall, ed with the din of warlike preparation for the sea as well therefore, content myself with a single remark, in answer as the land. Information of these events were carried to to an objection made by the Senator from Maine. asks if the acceptance of the commutation certificates for mission. But it was far, very far, from producing meaHe America. It produced, it is true, no disposition for sub five years' full pay by the officers is not sufficient evidence sures corresponding to the crisis which was approaching. of their acquiescence in the proposition inade by Con- The enthusiasm which had distinguished the five years gress. A satisfactory answer, is, I think, to be found in of the war, and which had given rise to efforts and to rethe actual value of the commutation certificate at the sults so glorious, had, in a great measure, subsided. time that it was issued. The chairman of the committee Langour and imbecility pervaded every department conhas stated it at one fifth of its nominal value. I have, nected with the supplies for carrying on the war. however, received information from one who had the best very circumstance which should have aroused both the means of knowing, and which accords with what I have General and State Governments to greater exertions, always before heard, that it did not exceed one-tenth, i. e. seemed to produce an effect the most opposite. The ten per centum. The amount of the commutation certi- rumors of an acknowledgment of our independence by ficate for a captain being $2,400, its value in the market the powerful kingdom of France had reached this country would then be $240, which is precisely the amount of a early in the year of which I am speaking, and was consingle year's half pay. Now, would any one, having com-firmed by the actual arrival of a treaty, offensive and demon sense, make a bargain of this kind, to receive a sin-fensive, in the month of May. It was received, as it ought gle year's half pay in lieu of half pay for life? Observe, to have been, with the greatest demonstration of joy. I pray you, Sir, this commutation certificate was a very different thing from the certificates given to both officers and soldiers for the pay due to them. As the Government had not the means of discharging that debt, the claimants had no alternative but to accept the evidence of the debt, whatever might be its real value in the money by the army. The amount of its supplies, before scanty, The effects of this fatal security was immediately felt market. The claimaints of the half pay had an alterna-partial, and inefficient, was now almost entirely suspendtive-i. e. that of adhering to their claim of half pay for ed. It is most fortunate for the liberties of the country, life; and this it was so obviously their interest to take, that the calm and discriminating mind of the Command. rather than the other, that it cannot possibly be supposed er in Chief was not led away by these deceitful appearthat the taking of the commutation certificates for five ances. years' full pay from the officers when they were lodged, ed; that many bloody conflicts were to be sustained; He saw that the contest was yet to be protract. and which was worth only one year's half pay at the time, and that a successful issue was only to be looked for by was considered by them as a relinquishment of any fur-new and great sacrifices upon the part of the People, for ther claim. Even such of the officers as were obliged to eflecting an entire renovation in the condition of the raise money for immediate use, would not have touched Army. This opinion was formed from a knowledge of these certificates if they had conceived that such would the character of the British Ministry, and the immense be the effect of taking them because they could have resources at their disposal. He also knew that the assold their claim for half pay for life for a larger sum than sistance which we should receive from our allies would they could obtain for the certificate. In other words, be measured by the efforts which we should make to they could get more for their claims by dealing with the sustain ourselves. And if even this should not be the speculator than with Government. It would hardly be considered fair, at this distant pe- his country was to be exclusively achieved by the army case, the idea was not to be borne, that the freedom of red, to ask the friends of this bill to show that a proper and treasure of an ally, and that ally a despotic king. equivalent was given for this extraordinary concession up- These views were pressed upon Congress in repeated a the part of the Continental Congress to the officers of remonstrances; and all the resources of his mind, and the Army. It would be sufficient for us to prove, that the great influence of his character, were put in requisi the compact was made by the competent authority, act-tion to make them effectual. Such at length they were, ing in behalf of the American States. But as insinuations and the usual course of calling for aid upon the State auExclusive of Mr. H. the committee consisted of Mr. Woodbury, Mr. Berrien, Mr. Van Buren, and Mr. Webster; the latter gentleman was not present, but is understood to have agreed with the rest of the committee.

But, unfortunately, it produced an opinion in those who administered the Government, if not with the people themselves, that their emancipation was put beyond the reach of contingency.

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SENATE.]

Surviving Officers of the Revolution.

thorities was adopted. For the most part, however,
these calls were not more successful than that of Glen
dower on the spirits of the deep. The hope of relief be
ing thus repeatedly disappointed, the sufferings of the
Army seemed at length to have reached its utmost
point, and its immediate dissolution to be apprehended.
I beg leave, said Mr. H. to read a part of several letters
of General Washington to the President of Congress,
describing the situation of the officers at this period.
[The extracts of the letters of Gen. Washington,
here read by Mr. H., described, in the strongest terms,
the situation of the officers, destitute of the common ne-
cessaries, and even of decent clothes ]

Such, Sir, [said Mr. H.,j is the official account of the Commander-in-Chief, of the situation of that Army, upon which the fate of America was to depend. It was my fortune, said Mr. H., to be associated, in the early period of my military service, in the Northwestern Army, under the command of Generals St. Clair and Wayne, with many of those who had served in the Revolutionary Army. From those veterans I have often heard minute particulars of their situation, known, no doubt, to the Commander-in-Chief, but which could not well enter into his official letters. What think you, Sir, of a mess consisting of four or five officers, unable to furnish, from their common wardrobe, a decent suit to a comrade, who was to mount the honorary guard of their beloved Commander! One tolerable shirt alone, the property of the mess, and that performing the round of service to them all. The first Captain under whom I served, the late Colonel Kingbury, of Connecticut, than whom Sparta nor Rome ever produced a better soldier, informed me, that he joined General Washington's Army with a portmanteau filled with clothing, which, becoming the common property of his brother officers, was soon so reduced, that the portmanteau was dispensed with, and the remains of his wardrobe stuffed in a stocking, and carried in the knapsack of a soldier. It must be remarked, however, that all the officers were not in this destitute condition. Some of them were men of fortune, others had wealthy relations, who furnished them with every necessary. And this made those who were without any such resources (which was the case with the great majority of the platoon officers) much more discontented with their condition. At the very time when the officers of the highest grades were disputing for rank, the elevation of a Captain to the rank of a field officer, was, in many instances, no longer regarded as an advantage, because it brought with it a demand for additional expenses and equipments for the new character which he was called upon to support, and which he had not the means to supply, without exhausting the sole resources upon which his family depended. The younger officers, upon whom the glow and glitter of military life, the pomp and circumstance of war, make so strong an impression, shrunk from the gaze of the stranger, or even of his brother officers, as, in tattered garments, he slowly and mournfully took his post for the duties of the grand parade-a scene upon which the accomplished officer delights to exhibit himself, and which, in all armies, will present a true picture of its discipline and its efficiency. This degrading state of the officers of our Army became known to the enemy, and was a subject for their mirth and ridicule. In a little poem which I have once seen, and which is attributed to a British officer celebrated for his accomplishments, but more for his tragical end, and the sympathy which he excited amongst his enemies, the baggage found, or supposed to be found, upon a but horse, the property of one of our most distinguished Generals, is thus described:

"His horse that earried all his prog-
"His military speeches-

"His cornstalk whiskey for his grog-
"Blue stockings and brown breeches:"

[JAN. 25, 182

This could not have been a true description of t wardrobe of the distinguished officer who is named the poem, who was a man of fortune, and amply provid with every thing suitable for his rank; but I do not all doubt that the blue stockings and brown breech were to be found in the portmanteaus of many others. Amidst such a complication of difficulties and emba rassments, without the means of decent support, des tute of clothing, the means of equipment which the Arm regulations required, the ridicule of their enemies, an of every passing stranger, is it at all to be wondered a that the officers were disgusted at the service, and th they should think of leaving it? Nor could they believ that their services were much appreciated by a Gover ment, which would make no effectual effort to rescu them from the most abject penury and want. It is tru that Congress became at length alarmed at the destru tive consequences which must follow the secession the veteran leaders of their troops, and were serious and intensely engaged in discovering the means of avert ing it. The case was too pressing and urgent to be re heved by the usual requsitions on the State Govern ments, which were always slowly, and never effectually answered. It seemed, indeed, to them, without a reme dy. But a wiser head, acting under the impulses of a heart whose every other passion was absorbed in the love of country, was deeply engaged upon this important subject. We read, sir, of the sages, the lawgivers, and the heroes of Greece. It is the peculiar fortune of Ame rica to have produced a citizen who united all those great characters in his own person. In the recesses of his tent, he nightly meditated the means of saving his Army from dissolution, and his country from ruin. The knowledge of General Washington was derived not so much from books as from observation. He knew man as he is, not as he may have been described. With the sources action in the human bosom he was intimately acquainted, and it opened at once to him the remedy for the disord ers which prevailed. The means of relieving the wants of the Army, by an advance of money, was neither in b power, nor in that of Congress. But a remedy could be found in renovated hope-to be realized, indeed, at & distant and uncertain period, but being guarantied by the solemnly pledged faith of the nation, would be subject to no contingency but a failure on their part to accomp lish the object which had been committed to their valor The scheme adopted by the Commander-in Chief, which I have alluded, was that of giving half pay for life at the end of the war, to the officers who should con tinue to serve to that period. His first recommendation of this measure is to be found in a letter to the President of Congress, dated at Valley Forge, April 10th, 1778, which I beg leave to read :

"It may be said by some, Sir, that my wish to see the officers of this Army upon a more respectable establish ment, is the cause of my solicitude, and carries me too far. To such I can declare, that my anxiety proceeds from the causes above-mentioned. If my opinion is as ed with respect to the necessity of making this provis for the officers, I am ready to declare, that I do most re ligiously believe the salvation of the cause depends up on it; and, without it, your officers will moulder to noth ing, or be composed of low and illiterate men, void capacity for this or any other business. To prove this I can with truth aver, that scarce a day passes without the offer of two or three commissions; and my advices from the Eastward and Southward are, that numbers who had gone home on furlough, mean not to return, but are establishing themselves in more lucrative employments. Let Congress determine what will be the consequence of this spirit.

"Personally, as an officer, I have no interest in their decision, because I have declared, and I now repeat it,

JAN. 25, 1828.]

Surviving Officers of the Revolution.

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that I never will receive the smallest benefit from the which the hostile armies stood in relation to each other, half-pay establishment; but as a man who fights under- before and after its adoption. The weakened, inefficient the weight of a proscription, and, as a citizen who wish- Army, kept together only by the personal influence of es to see the liberty of his country established upon a their leader, was enabled to assume the offensive char permanent foundation, and whose property depends up-acter, to block up the more numerous, well-founded, on the success of our arms, I am deeply interested. But, and well-appointed forces of their enemy, in their prinall this apart, and justice out of the question-upon the cipal depot; and, at last, to be found worthy compeers single ground of economy and public saving, I will main- of the veteran regiments of France, in the last and most tain the utility of it: for I have not the least doubt, that, glorious achievement of the war. But, sir, I will prountil officers consider their commissions in an honorable duce better testimony on this subject than can be proand interested point of view, and are afraid to endanger cured from any other source. It is the opinion of Gener them by negligence and inattention, no order, regularity, al Washington himself, expressed in his own words. In or care, either of the men or public property, will pre- a letter to the President of Congress, after the conclusion vail." of the war, upon the subject of the claims of the officers for half-pay and referring to a communication made by him on the same subject, in the year 1780, he thus expresses himself:

Frequent recommendations of the same character, [continued Mr. H.] followed in that and the succeeding year. In the beginning of the year 1780, this measure was again pressed, and declared to be the only one which would preserve the Army from dissolution. This, sir, is the language of one of these letters:

That, in the critical and perilous moment, when the last mentioned communication was made, there was the utmost danger that a dissolution of the Army would have "I have often said, and I beg leave to repeat it, the taken place, unless measures similar to those recommend. half pay provision is, in my opinion, the most politic and ed, had been adopted, will not admit a doubt. That the effectual that can be adopted. On the whole, if some adoption of the resolution giving half-pay for life has been thing satisfactory be not done, the Army (already so attended with all the happy consequences I had foretold, auch reduced in officers by daily resignations, as not to have so far as respected the good of the service, let the astona sufficiency to do the common duties of it) must either ishing contrast between the state of the Army at this incease to exist at the end of the campaign, or it will ex- stant, and at the former period, determine. And that hit an example of more virtue, fortitude, self denial, the establishment of funds, and the security of the payand perseverance, than has perhaps ever yet been paral- ment of all the just demands of the Army, will be the leled in the history of human enthusiasm. The dissolu- most certain means of preserving the national faith and tion of the Army is an event that cannot be regarded future tranquility of this extensive continent, is my decidwith indifference. It would bring accumulated distressed opinion. By the preceding remarks, it will readily es upon us; it would throw the American people into be imagined, that, instead of retracting and reprehendgreat consternation; it would discredit our cause through- ing (from further experience and reflection) the mode of out the world; it would shock our Allies. To think of compensation so strenuously urged in the enclosures, I replacing the officers with others, is visionary." am more and more confirmed in the sentiment; and if in the wrong, suffer me to please myself with the grateful delusion. For, if, besides the simple payment of their wages, a further compensation is not due to the services and sufferings of the officers, then have I been deceived indeed."

In conformity to these recommendations, sir, (contiased Mr. H.) Congress adopted the measure of giving to the officers who should serve to the end of the war, ball pay for life. Before I proceed, sir, to show the effects of this measure upon the Army, I ask leave to read a few sentences from the book I have in my hand, to show how entirely the sentiments of General Washington accords with those of another great military character, as to the effects of poverty and straitened circumstances in the officers, upon the discipline and efficiency of an Army. It is the opinion of Marshal Saxe, sir, who, speaking of the French Army, in the reign of Louis XV. reduced by the diversion of its funds to other objects, to a situation similar to that of the United States' Army in the Revolution, thus expresses himself:

"For, what vigor in command, vigilance in the service, exactness in duty, emulation and desire to instruct one's self, or gentleman-like behaviour, can be expected from a man who is ever discontented with his profession? Constantly employed about means to subsist in it, or to give it up and waiting with impatience for the moment of quitting it to advantage? Distress of circumstances of course renders the mind stupid, and abases the soul. It extinguishes courage, and infallibly benumbs all the talents. In a word an officer ought to live by the sword, and expect his fortune from it. A point of view, therefore, must be offered to him, whose chances are power ful enough to make him sacrifice the present to a future chance, that flatters his ambition."

I have thus, sir, shewn the origin and progress of this pay system. That it was a measure of general Washgton's urged by him for two years, and adopted by Congress, after the greatest deliberation. Well, now, , with regard to the effects of this measure upon the Army. That it was in the highest degree beneficial, entirely realized the expectations of its author, could be proven by referring to the different positions in VOI. IV.-10

These documents, Mr. President, [said Mr. H.] are conclusive. They show the influence which this measure of granting half pay to the officers had upon the success of our revolutionary struggle, in the opinion of one who, of all others, was best entitled to judge-that it was that alone which prevented the dissolution of the Army, and restored its discipline and its energy. And to that discipline and energy those victories are to be attributed, which resulted in the establishment of our liberties. That glorious event, then, the independence of America, is to be distinctly traced to the compact made by the Revolu tionary Government with the officers of their Army. It has, I think, been satisfactorily shown, that the obligation it imposed has never been completely discharged, which it is the object of the present bill to perform. And upon what ground, sir, is its rejection to rest? Is it to be found in the character of our government? What! a Republic, which is supposed to be founded on public virtue, to refuse to perform its contracts, solemnly and deliberately made! To shelter itself under its power, against a claim which its equity and its justice would have obliged it to discharge! Or, will you refer your defence for its rejection to the character of your People Assemble them, then. It is a tribunal to which the friends of the bill would be delighted to appeal. Bring together the yeomanry of your countrytell them that this claim is founded on a resolution of Congress, passed in a gloomy period of the Revolution, upon the urgent recommendation of the Father of his Country; that to it he attributed the ultimate success of our arms, and the establishment of their liberties: and if they do not direct you to discharge this obligation, even

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Surviving Officers of the Revolution.

if it would require the last dollar in the Treasury, then I am mistaken in their character.

If General Washington was correct in attributing to this half-pay system the success of our arms, what measure has ever been adopted, in the whole world, which has produced so much benefit to the human race? See, sir, this extensive and happy country. Ten millions of souls enjoying liberty, unrestrained by every thing but laws, which themselves have made, and alterable at their will. See the influence of our Revolution upon the country South of us. A whole continent redeemed from the most slavish tyranny. Look at its effects in Europe. A constitutional government in France and in Spain, the bars and bolts of the Inquisition broken, its portals thrown down, the horrible mysteries of its dungeons exposed to the detestation of the world. Sir, where is it that the ef fects of the valor of the memorialists have not been felt? Even the stupid Turk gazes with wonder and amaze ment at the influence of a principle of which he had never heard, and could not be made to comprehend, until it had converted a nation of slaves into a nation of heroes. I am aware, Mr. President, [said Mr. H.] that the private soldiers of the Revolution have a right to claim a full share of the reward for all these glorious results, and no one is more willing to accord it to them. I look back, with no little satisfaction, to the efforts I made in support of their pretensions in the year 1818. I have always considered that act of the Government as not sufficiently extensive in its operation. I am at this moment willing to extend it so as to embrace all the revolutionary soldiers. And, permit me to say, sir, that I would go further than the Senator from New Hampshire, to provide the necessary funds for that object, than the one contemplated by this bill. I would not only suspend the progress of Internal Improvements, in which I am more in terested than the gentleman is, but I would suspend the completion of the fortifications-and make the defences of his own Portsmouth, and my own native James River County, of the breasts of freemen, instead of ramparts of earth and masonry. But, Sir, I resist the mingling of this peculiar claim of the officers, on account of their halfpay, with that of the soldiers and officers, as recognized by the law of 1818, as I would then have done the uniting the former with the latter; because, in their nature, they are entirely different.

When a great act of public justice is to be performed, Mr. President, I do not look at the cost for any other pur pose, than to ascertain whether the Treasury can furnish the amount. Money is, in my opinion, always well spent when it is employed to support the honor and character of the nation, and to disseminate correct principles amongst the People. It is by these, and these alone, that a republic can be supported. Whenever we refuse to do any thing which duty and honor requires us to perform, on account of the money it will cost, it will be evidence of an approaching event, which I cannot even think of without horror. Pass, then, this bill, sir, and it will establish a principle which, in any future wars you may wage, will prove your shield, your helmet, your spear, your protector, and your avenger. Let gentlemen look around them and see who are their memorialists-the Ogdens, the Reeds, the Stewarts, and the Gibbons; yes, sir, Major Gibbons, who led one of the forlorn hopes, at the storming of Stony Point, and only lost seventeen out of the twenty which composed his command-himself, I believe, and the other three,

wounded.

[JAN. 25, 1828.

connected to me by the nearest and dearest ties of natural affection, did not expire on a gibbet.

Mr. SMITH, of Maryland, rose to notice an error, which might as well be corrected. It was stated in the report of the Secretary of War, to which allusion had been made, that the line of Maryland consented to ac cept the commutation This he believed was not the case; and that the officers never consented. He was convinced that the Army under General Greene had no share in the acceptance of the commutation. Mr. S. had communicated last year with Major Howard upon this subject, who said that those officers were never consulted. He had also conversed this morning with General Reed, who confirmed his impression that the Maryland line did not consent to receive the commutation. They, therefore, could never, in fact, have come under the provi sions of the commutation law. It was true, that when they came home from service, they found that the law had passed, and that they must take the commutation or nothing. The alternative was, to take it or starve-and it was not unnatural to suppose that they chose the former. This was the case with the whole Maryland line. Mr. S. here spoke at some length of the privations suf fered by the officers of the Revolution. He observed that, at the funeral of Major Howard, upon the coffin was placed a soldier's coat, with something like epaulettes on the shoulders, which he had worn during his service for want of a better one. The Government found the sol diers in coats, but the officers were necessitated to pur chase their's, and often, having none, were fain to take a soldier's coat instead. I do not intend, said Mr. S. to dress up the misfortunes of the Army for the sake of ef fect. These facts are matters of history, and do not need embellishment. The few words which I shall offer in defence of these claimants, will be grounded on the belief that the faith of the Government is bound to relieve them. A solemn agreement was entered into with them by the Government. They fulfilled faithfully their part of the obligation-and they now come here, not to ask your gratitude, but to claim a right.

He had never heard a clearer exposition of facts, or a stronger array of arguments, than was made by the gen tleman from New Hampshire [Mr. WOODBURY] yesterday. Yet it had been said, that the soldiers ought to be includ ed in the provisions of the bill. He was of a different opinion. The soldiers were far better provided for than the officers, and they were now enjoying pensions larger than their pay when in actual service. Four-fifths of the soldiers of the Revolution were now on the pension list, at eight dollars a month, while their pay when in service was only six and two-thirds. He believed that there were very few, if any, who were entitled to pensions, who had not received them. As to Maryland, he did not think there were five soldiers of the Revolution in that State who did not draw pensions. They were well pro vided for; and, as far as related to the soldiers, this country had wiped away the stigma which had been al always thrown upon it by monarchical Governments, that Republics were ungrateful. He hoped Congress would do so in this case.

It had been asked why the provisions of this bill were not applied to the widows and children of those officers who had died. The reply, said Mr. S. which I make to that question, is, that we cannot do all that we might wish to do-but let us not, therefore, fail to do all that we can-and in doing this, let us select those individuals whose claims upon the Government are the strongest. I For my own part, sir, I never see one of those men shall say no more-my object in rising being only to corwithout feeling the highest respect and gratitude, as well rect the error in the report of the Secretary of War relafor the services they rendered my country, as for those tive to the officers of the Maryland line, and to state that which I have individually received. To their valor I consi-those who accepted the commutation, did it from necessity. der myself indebted that I am a freeman; that I am a mem- Mr. CHANDLER observed, that, as the gentleman ber of this august body; though last, not least, that one from Maryland had alluded to him, he would make a few

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