SENATE.] Surviving Officers of the Revolution. [JAN. 30, 1828. "one half year's" full pay. Finally, Mr. C. said, on this them. But no Government can provide against the nepoint, he would say that it does not appear that the officessities of its citizens, whether such necessities were cers themselves, at the time, protested against the com- the result of misfortune or imprudence. The Govern mutation because of its inadequacy in value. Even after ment paid as soon as it could. they had, many of them, sold their certificates, at immense discounts, to the speculators, it does not appear that they complained that the Government had cheated them, or dealt unjustly towards them. But, had the commutation been deemed inadequate at the time, is it not probable that General Washington, their friend and father, either then or subsequently, when President under the new Government, would have remonstrated against it, or recommended additional compensation? Who can doubt his capacity to understand the subject, or his wil lingness to come forward and claim justice, if he believed any thing due them-in favor of his companions in arms, who had so often sustained him in the most trying times of the war? Yet, from the time of the adoption of the commutation act, to that of the termination of his administration as President, a period of fourteen years, it does not appear that he ever mentioned the subject. The strong conclusion to be drawn from these circumstances, is, that General Washington, Col. Hamilton, and all others, then believed that the Government had done the officers ample justice; had given them all they had a right to claim, and, indeed, all that they had asked; that, in accepting the commutation, the contract with the Government was executed by both parties, and all the demands of justice fully satisfied; nor was it supposed that the subject could ever again be agitated. But it is said that the commutation was not paid in money, but in certificates, which the necessities of the officers compelled them to sell at a greatly depreciated value. This was a point, Mr. C. said, which his colleague [Mr. BERRIEN,] the great advocate of the strict justice of the provisions of this bill, has not thought fit to press. But, as allusion had been made to it by others, he would make one or two remarks on it. He would not deny but that the commutation was paid in certifi cates, bearing an interest of six per cent. per annum, and not in money. The fact was, that the Government had no money wherewith to pay. But this was as well known to the officers themselves as to any others. Indeed, from the very words of the commutation act, it was announced that the Government had its option to pay in money or certificates-and knowing that there was no money in the Federal Treasury, the officers expected to be paid in certificates, and in nothing else. The Government had nothing else to give at the time. It gave the officers what it gave all its other creditors; and, by the terms of the act, they were to be placed on the precise footing of the other creditors. Yet they did not remonstrate or object, so far as could be learned from any evidence before the Senate. From the moment, then, that they accepted that which was agreed on and terdered, being all that they had a right to expect, and being that to which they did not object, the Government was legally and morally absolved from all obligation to them upon the score of justice, other than the redemption of these certificates, so soon as the means of its Treasury would per mit. In the course of time, this was done; not, indeed, by the Government of the Confederation, but by that now existing under the present Constitution. So soon as it was organized, it made provision for funding these certificates, with all others issued upon the faith and cre dit of the former Government, and provided ample funds for their redemption. Those who held their certificates, then, received their full par value. Such of the officers as had retained theirs, then received, in money, the amount which had been promised them. It may be, as had been said, that the necessities of many of them compelled them to sell, before this period, at a greatly depreciated value. This was, indeed, unfortunate for But if the Government is bound to make gord to these officers the loss incurred by the depreciation of their certificates, the same principles of justice would create a similar obligation to make good the loss incurred by all other creditors of the old Confederated Govern ment, for the depreciation of their certificates. It would extend to the families of all the deceased officers and soldiers. It would extend to all certificates for what ever purpose issued. It would extend, with equal strength, to those who were paid in depreciated curren. cy, during the late war. It was known to him, Mr. C. said, that the Georgia militia, in that war, were paid in a paper currency which, in Boston, could not have been sold for half its nominal value. It is also known that many persons were paid in Treasury notes, which, likewise, greatly depreciated in value. Surely, if a part of the creditors of the Revolutionary war was to be indemnified for their loss by depreciation, all the creditors of that war were entitled to a like indemnifi cation. To indemnify these would require an immense sum. If to these be added the creditors of the late war, who incurred losses in the same manner, the whole revenues of the Government, applied to that sole ob. ject, for years to come, would be insufficient to satisfy the claims. Mr. C. asked gentlemen what they would say to a claim of this kind, made by those who lost by the depreciation of the currency in the late war? Doubtless they would reject it—and yet, in Mr. C's opin ion, these had as fair a claim upon the Government, upon this principle, as the favored objects of this bill. It is true, no such claim has yet been made by the offi cers or soldiers of the late war; but, should this bill pass, at some future period he should not be surprised if one should be brought forward. In every aspect, then, in which he, Mr. C. had been able to view the subject, he could see no ground upon which a claim to the provisions of this bill could be urged, in behalf of the surviving officers of the Revolu tion, upon the principle that there is any debt due them, or that strict and ample justice has not been done them. If the bill passes at all, its passage must be founded upon a different principle, and that is, that it is demanded by the gratitude which we owe them, for the services they have rendered. This, said Mr. C. places it upon the ground of a mere gratuity of $1,100,000 to be made to some two or three hundred individuals. And here, Mr. C. said, he would venture to express an opinion, which might appear to be novel to many. It was, that he did not believe there was any power in Congress, derived from the Constitution, to bestow the public money in gratuities. It is true, that the Federal Government possesses an unlimited power of taxation; but it does not follow that it possesses a like unlimited power of appropriation. On the contrary, he thought that the objects to which the revenue, raised by this unlimited power to tax, could be appropriated, were all defined and limited by the other grants of power in the Constitution. Among these other grants he did not find one, either expressed or implied, to make gratuities of the public treasure. Upon this ground, alone, then, he could not give his support to this bill. He believed that such a mode of appropriating the money, raised by taxing the labor of the people, was of the most perni cious tendency, and at war with all the sound principles upon which a republican form of Government should be administered. But, said Mr. C. if gratuities are to be bestowed, they should be granted upon principles of equal and impart al justice. Our grateful feelings, he thought, JAS. 30, 1828.] Surviving Officers of the Revolution. [SENATE. ought not to be expressed to the surviving Officers of to give them that to which they were long ago entitled ? the Revolutionary Continental Army alone. There The same debt was due to the deceased Officers, and was were others equally entitled to our gratitude and our withheld from them in like manner. Are we about to bounty. In adverting to these, as he should now do, express our deep sense of gratitude to those who contrihe hoped he should not be considered as making un-buted so much to achieve the liberties of our country, by just comparisons, or drawing invidious distinctions- making a gratuity of one million one hundred thousand such was not his intention. Against the surviving Offi- dollars to a certain number of them? Those who are cers of the Revolution, and the particular objects of this deceased were not less ardent or conspicuous in the globill, he was sure he felt no unkind prejudices. On the rious struggle, and many of them probably more so." It contrary, he entertained the profoundest respect for is urged that many of the survivors are poor and needy, their characters, and a grateful sense for their services. and tottering upon the verge of the grave, without the He would not utter a word that could tarnish the lustre means of comfortable subsistence. So, also, many who of their deeds, achieved in the glorious war of the Re. are gone, died in poverty, and bequeathed to their famivolution. He would not breathe a thought, which, in lies naught but suffering and want. He [Mr. C.] had its effects, might blight the laurels they have won, and been personally acquainted with five of those Officers, which yet bloom in the undiminished vigor of youthful who had died in Georgia, within the last five or six years. growth upon their wrinkled brows. But, yet, he must Of these, two, Major Worsham and Captain Stevens, he be permitted to say, that there were others equally me- knew to have died poor, and left their families in a deritorious with them, and for whom, or their families, pendent condition. They were both pensioners when every principle of justice or gratitude, by which the they died. The latter had been supported for years by Senate may be actuated to pass this bill, should equally the industry, and cherished by the affectionate care of a impel it to make provision. son and son-in-law. Some years before his death, he made application to be placed on the Revolutionary Pension List. He was refused, because he was yet master of a piece of poor land, and a house, wherein he could shelter himself. He finally determined to visit Washington, and exhibit himself personally to the President. His visit was at a fortunate period. Lafayette had just land. ed upon our shores, and every heart beat with gratitude. In Captain Stevens he recognized a companion in arms. At such a period he presented his palsied frame at the War Department, and, as Mr. C. had been informed, was on the next day placed on the pension list. He lived but little more than a year thereafter. And is nothing to be done for the families of such men as these? Upon what principle of justice or gratitude shall provision be made for those surviving Officers whose necessities have never driven them to beg a pension, and all provision be with. held from the families of those who have died in want? Justice and gratitude revolt at the idea. The first class of these to which he would call the attention of the Senate, was the Soldiers of the Continental Army. To use the language of their zealous and eloquent advocate, the Senator from Maine, [Mr. PARRIS] they fought by the side of the officer their hardships, their privations, and their sufferings, were far greater; their reward and their expectations far less than those of the officers. It has been said that, at least, they were clothed at the expense of the Government. If there is truth in History, this was not the fact; they were promi sed clothing, yet they seldom received enough to cover their nakedness. This bill, in its present shape, makes To provision for these. Yet, he thought their claims upon the gratitude of this Nation not less strong than those of their officers. Why, then, not make them also participants of this gratuity? But they had, in the gentleman From Maine, Mr. PARRIS] a more efficient advocate than himself, and to him he would leave the support of their cause. Another class of persons, to whom he would next advert, were such Officers as resigned their commissions before the conclusion of the peace, and, therefore, may be said not to have "served to the end of the war." The venerable Senator from Maryland, [Mr. S. SMITH] who warmly advocates this bill, informs the Senate that he was one of them, and that he makes no claim to the provi sions of this bill. Yet he [Mr. C.] could not see why they were not equally entitled to our gratitude and boun ty. Many of them performed the most glorious services, and encountered the greatest perils of the war. Many never resigned until hostilities had ceased, and the enemy had been expelled, though peace was not actually concluded. Who were more meritorious than these? But their brother in arms, the Hero of Mud Island, [General SMITH, of Maryland,] renounces their cause, and refuses to be their advocate! It was, then, not to be expected that he [Mr. C.] should urge their claims, or defend their rights. There was a third class of persons, for many of whom our warmest sympathies should be excited. These were the families of those deceased Officers, who, like the present applicants for the provisions of this bill, had serv. ed to the end of the war, and received the commutation. Whether the passage of this bill is to be referred to a sense of justice or gratitude, its provisions should extend to this class also. Are the Senate about to make this provision for the surviving Officers, because it is believed that there is a debt due them, and that it is but just now The provisions of the bill were altered, subsequently, so as to extend to them, Another of these Officers had died in comfortable circumstances, though not rich. He was formerly a member of the other branch of Congress. He meant Gen. David Meriwether. From his knowledge of the man, he was impressed with the belief that, were he now a member of Congress, he would never give his assent to this bill, or any other, founded on similar principles. The fourth and last class of persons, said Mr. C., of whom he would speak, was the Militia, already alluded to by the gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. SMITH.] He repeated that he did not intend to make any uncharitable comparisons. Yet he thought the merit and services of these equal to those of the applicants for this bill, or, indeed, any other class of persons engaged in the Revolu tion. If gentlemen would revert to the history of that war, they would find that, in the Southern States, and especially in Georgia, upon them was placed the burthen of the contest-they were the bulwark of our defence. The aid derived from the regulars was comparatively trifling. The British forces were not the only ones with which they had to contend, The Southern States were filled with tories; and, in these, they encountered enemies a thousand times more rancorous than the British. During periods of disaster, to which a militia, contending with a regular force, are always more or less subject, they were hunted, by these, from the fields to the recesses of the forest, and again driven from thence to the caves of the mountains. From these fastnesses they would watch their opportunities, and, as these were presented, they would emerge from their hiding places, and, turning upon their enemies, make them feel the full weight of their vengeance. 223 SENATE.] GALES & SEATON'S REGISTER Letter from Duff Green.—Surviving Officers of the Revolution. [JAN. 31, 1828, Mr. C. said that he had at that moment upon his table was the writer of the letter; and, not receiving a saa petition from a man who had served in the militia dur- tisfactory answer, he (Duff Green) proceeded to assault ing the whole war.* No man had encountered more pe- Mr. Sparhawk, having no intention to offer personal inHe had jury to him, his sole object being, not to hurt, but to "Nothing was further from his (Duff rils, or passed, with life, through more dangers. been hunted from place to place like a wild beast, by en- disgrace him. "Green's) intention, than to infringe, in any degree, on emies determined upon his destruction, by whom he was frequently shot, and who finally inflicted upon him what "the dignity of the Senate," it being impossible that he they believed to be a mortal wound. But he survived it, could feel any other sentiment towards that body, than and yet lives. He states himself now to be in very redu- the most profound respect. He remarks that, "if Mr. ced circumstances, and prays a pension, or some other" Sparhawk be under the protection of your honorable "body, in consequence of a permission to have a seat provision. He has never received a dollar for all his ser vices, his perils, or his wounds. I have not yet presented in the Chamber, as a reporter of the Debates, the his petition, because I know that, under the provisions" duty which has been assigned by you to the undersign"ed, places him equally under your protection; and if it of the existing laws, he can obtain no relief. But, when "be an injury to Mr. Sparhawk to be disgraced, as he we are about to bestow gratuities for services rendered "was, it is no less an injury (although accompanied by in that memorable contest, who is better entitled to a "no disgrace) to be represented as a profligate instru share of them than such a man ?† The docume It had been stated, the other day, on another occasion," ment of falsifying the reports of the proceedings "the co-ordinate branch of Congress." that General Sumpter, whose name is identified with the war of the Revolution in the South, was reduced to beg. concluded by an apology for its uncommon length, a gary, and had been dragged to the threshold of a jail. the expression of regret for consuming the time of t Of the value of his services there was no doubt. It Senate. On motion of Mr. COBB, the letter of Mr. Green was would seem that his indigence was greater than most of Why is it ordered to lie on the table. the objects of the bill under consideration. that no provision is to be made for him? It had been inquired, by some of the friends of the bill, whether, if it should be so altered as to extend its provisions to all those of whom he had spoken, would gentle. men, now opposed to it, give it their support? Answering for himself alone, Mr. C. said he would not. His reasons he had already endeavored to explain. He thought there was nothing due to them, which they had a right to de. mand, upon principles either of justice or gratitude. The old Congress had done all that it had promised, in such manner as the circumstances of the times permitted. It had done all that the officers expected, or had a right to He believed that the system of pensions had already been carried to too great an extent in this country. He believed that the gratuitous appropriation of the public treasure was unauthorized by the Constitution, and pernicious in its political tendency. Yet, if the public money was to be thus appropriated, he thought that if should be applied in a just and impartial manner. Let all who were equally meritorious be equally rewarded. expect. Mr. C. said he was unwilling, at such a late hour, to He felt impose longer on the patience of the Senate. himself constrained, he repeated, to vote against the bill. Mr. VAN BUREN then intimated that he designed to address the Senate, to-morrow, in favor of the claim. THURSDAY, JANUARY 31, 1828. SURVIVING OFFICERS OF THE REVOLUTION. The bill for the relief of certain surviving officers of On the question of the Revolutionary Army, being the unfinished business of yesterday, was then taken up. Mr. SMITH, of South Carolina, in prefacing a speech filling the blank with $ 1,200,000: of considerable length, observed, that Mr. VAN BUREN, who had moved the adjournment on yesterday, had yielded the floor to him, being desirous, before addressing the Senate, of hearing all the objections that were to be made to the bill. Mr. VAN BUREN followed Mr. S. at great length, in [The Editors have been unable to obtain accurate refavor of the claims. ports of either of the above speeches.] FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 1828. The unfinished business of yesterday- A bill to provide for the relief of certain surviving Officers of the Revolu tionary Army-was taken up. Mr. BRANCH, who moved the adjournment of yester day, addressed the Senate in opposition to the bill. Mr. MACON rose, and, after some general remarks pronounced a high encomium on the military services o the gentleman from Maryland, [Mr. SMITH.] As to the claims of these officers, we all know the straits to which The VICE PRESIDENT communicated a statement the Government was put to get along, at that time; and of facts, of great length, from Duff Green, in explanation that the Old Congress was so hard run that they tried to of the provocation which produced the outrage con- get lands to pay their debts with. And, before the Cou plained of in the memorial of E. V. Sparhawk, the sub-stitution was adopted, the State of Virginia surrenderes The Government wanted thest don't pretend to say, stance of which was, that a letter having appeared in her lands to the United States; whether wisely or not, the New York American, accusing Mr. Randolph of a concert with the editor of the Telegraph in misreport lands to raise funds to pay off their obligations. The ing the speech of Mr. R. in which he spoke of hanging States could not help them. A great portion of the coun any one who would introduce the "Irish" or "slaves" try had been so destroyed that it was as much as the Peo Well, sir, you now (on which the debate arose) into Virginia; that he (Duff ple could do to live. Almost every man had been burn cow left, was considered fortunate. Green) having received, from John S. Meehan, infor- out at the end of the war; and that family which had mation that Mr. Sparhawk had acknowledged the authorship of the correspondence in the American-to use call on these People, or their descendents, to help thest the language of the document, "Felt as every honorable officers whose families were better off during the time of man, he trusts, would feel in his situation, as the editor danger. "of a public journal of extensive circulation, the use"fulness of which must mainly depend upon the charac"ter of the editor for veracity, which he has ever been "anxious to maintain"-and that, accordingly, he (Duff Green) met Mr. Sparhawk, and inquired of him if he His name was Ezekiel Harris. + Mr. Harris has since died. Sir, had I a talent for description, I would display to you a picture of those times, which would shake the stoutest heart. I would show you the wretched women (whose husbands were defending the country in the mili children hanging round them, contemplating the burning tia ranks,) with their hungry, barefoot, almost naked ruins of their homes-without a shelter, and without a 225 FEB. 1, 1828.] Surviving Officers of the Revolution. morsel to supply the wants of their weeping babes. These things have passed away; and thousands of instances like this are not now remembered. the most difficult task to settle the accounts of the States. The Old Congress had His own State paid millions, besides the vast amount of private losses. The People entered into the contest with the utmost spirit, and followed the enemy with as much avidity as ever Col. Boone followed an Indian in his life. There was a continual skirmishing kept up; and, on the British side, when the Americans were taken or surprised, it was whipping, hanging, and burning. When the paper money run out, what was to be done? It could well be recollected what was the state of the country after the battle of Guilford. there was no specie. Congress then took up a new plan, The paper money had run out, and and the Continental bills run down to one eighth of their nominal value, which the gentleman from Maryland very well knows. In my State there was but little Continental money. The State struck some paper of its own, which sold at 10 per cent, and, when the confiscated property was sold, the notes were redeemed. This was not done by any other State; and many of the States paid the interest on the Continental certificates. The last cow and the last horse went to keep up the contest; and perhaps nothing was less thought of than individual interest. There were no better troops in the war than the Lines of Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Delaware; but it was no safer for the inhabitants to be with them, than with the enemy. The regular troops were, he knew, very much distressed; but were they more so than the militia? They were all paid alike with the Continental certificates. Every body was compelled to make sacrifices; and it was worse for the People to get along than settling a new country. The contributions had been so closely levied, and the ravages so great, that, where the two armies had been, there was no provisions, and few houses. The Continental money was the only currency in the country. Gen. Hamilton was a man who undertook few things that he did not undertand; and he took great pains to get this commutation done for the officers. It could hardly be supposed that he would do what would be injurious to his fellow officers. The gentlemen of the Committee had mentioned the climates of Carlisle and Montpelier as standards. They are both healthy places. But do they suppose that they will apply to this country? Col. Hamilton was sufficiently acquainted with the matter, and knew the rates of annuities, and he fixed upon five years. The commutation was, no doubt, a matter of gratification to the officers at the time. But it was main tained by the gentleman over the way, and by the gentlethan from New York, that every individual among the officers did notassent to it. jority of the Lines, and that was sufficient. The same But it was decided by the maprinciple applied on the adoption of the Constitution. That was done by the vote nine States. It was then argued that it must be done by the vote of the whole; but the majority ruled. And so it ought to in this case. said that the elder officers made a good bargain, while It is younger ones suffered. But, is it to be supposed that the senior officers would make a good bargain for themselves and a bad one for their juniors? Nothing has the effect to produce mutual attachment more than mutal suffering; and these men had suffered together. Would General Wayne or General Smallwood, who be the Revolution, and went through it, have done so? do not believe it. I say, sir, that, with regard to this no man has any claim upon the Government for more the received neither these officers nor the militia. But should I admit their claim, and allow that it was, as he gentleman tells us, founded on equity, will it be urged at a man's claims of this kind don't descend to his heirs? Does the gentleman from New York think so? But every ing was now different. Every thing was turned upside VOL. IV.-15 226 [SENATE. down. It was once supposed that when a man died he paid his last debt, and settled his accounts with the world. But it is not so now. fare in the Southern country, had never given any idea of The history of the Revolution, as to the partizan warthe truth. The memory of Sumpter and Marion was held in high esteem; but half that they did was never told, except by some old people to the children of the present day. But history don't stoop to the militia. The battle of the Cowpens is almost the only action that figures in the history of the war in the South. But I have a gentleman in my eye who did as gallant a thing in the militia as was ever done by regular troops. Nobody had a greatCowpens: but there was another action performed byer respect for the regulars and militia who fought at the [The name of the officer escaped the Reporter, (he thinks it was Col. Tazewell,) as also the location of this battle. Mr. M., at this point of his remarks, directed his speech to another part of the Chamber, and was, consequently, not heard.]-That, he considered the most important event of the war. ficers many striking examples of bravery and patriotism. There were many others who sacrificed vast fortunes in There were among the humbler ofsupporting the cause of the Revolution. In the State of New York there were some striking instances of the kind. Governor Clinton was more honored by his actions than by the Vice Presidency; and his stubborn whiggery gave him the strongest hold on the affections of the People. make selections of individuals, or do justice to any one set of men. It was impossible to go into the Revolutionary war and when Mr. Monroe's bill was introduced in the other House, only four hundred thousand dollars was asked for. It was utterly impossible. He recollected The sum has gone on increasing-and it only shows that this thing is like putting your hand to the plough-you never can get off again. You take one step, and you measure which the Senate thinks founded in justice-but must go on. it was his honest opinion that this bill ought not to pass. It is an unpleasant thing to oppose any He should be sorry to hurt the feelings of any one. The bill would have suited him better, had it pointed out how much each grade of officers was to receive. He should then have liked it better, although, even in that form, he should not have voted for it. The sum now put in was in the lump; and he did not know how it was to be divided. As to the sufferings of these officers, other classes of people had suffered equally. He knew instances where individuals had bad their houses burnt over twice. great deal about the glory and honor of the country. But The gentleman from New York said, the other day, a like some other things much better. For, Sir, when I shed. The happiness of the People seems to me much hear of glory and honor, I always think of war and bloodbetter, and I should be more pleased to see the duty on salt taken off, than increased by a war, in which the country was to gain honor and glory. But the gentleman from New York don't want to see it lessened. Samuel Adams, which was not heard by the Reporter.] [Mr. M. here made an allusion to John Hancock and WOODBURY, BERRIEN, and HARRISON,] that it is a debt, which this bill is to pay. But I should like to know how, We are told, by the gentlemen over the way, [Messrs. under that argument, they can bring forward their claim, with a receipt in full staring it in the face. And I ask whether this bill is any more a fulfilment of the contract than the commutation act? Do you propose to pay the full amount of the half-pay? No, you give them the old certificates, with interest. Fashions are continually changing. The time is within my memory when we were a free, content, and happy People. and honor, as the gentleman from New York observes. We are told continually that this is a great and growing We go now for glory People. I think we are growing rather too fast. The 227 SENATE.] Surviving Officers of the Revolution. [FEB. 1, 1828 poverty of the People is never taken into consideration. I am not for glory and honor. I go on a different princi I wish that equal justice should be We count the numbers only. I ask, if this was a claim, ple. I do right if I can; and, if I do wrong, my people why it did not go to the Committee on Claims? What will tell me of it. need was there for a Select Committee? It was, I sup-done-not give one a silver spoon, and the other a hor one. It was curious to look at the two Houses-one de pose, to give force to the application. The real reason why the commutation act was passed was that pensions bating on economy, and the other opening roads and ca were thought disgraceful. This induced the Officers to nals in every direction. consent to commute their half-pay. He thought the principle of this bill no better than that proposed in the time of Mr Monroe. Mr. M. here reverted to some circumstances which oc now. curred several years since, relative to certain applicants for pensions, and observed that he had then as much zeal [Mr. BERRIEN here handed Mr. MACON a paper-in favor of the Soldiers of the Revolution, as lack of it on which Mr. M. made an acknowledgement of being in error-but in what respect, the Reporter could not hear.] The gentleman from New York has said that it is a reproach upon the country that this debt has not been paid before. I should like to know who caused this reproach. If we had the wealth of all the world, we could not get rid of it. Do all you can, you cannot satisfy all the claims. You may live to be as old as Methuselah, and Some gentlemen think it could be you could not do it. But we have enough to do to done with a few millions. take care of ourselves. The gentleman also said that the commutation was inadequate-and, in the same breath, he praised the old Congress, who framed it, in the high est manner. He had not attributed Mr. VAN BUREN explained. the deficiency of the commutation to any unjust or unfair intention towards the Officers. But he had said that seven years' full pay was their just equivalent, and that, the present applicants having lived so long, the operation of the act upon them was unjust. I'll say no more on that point. Mr. MACON resumed. What the We've been told about Shylock doings, &c. I believe I have said remark applies to, I don't know. enough to show that it can't apply to the old Congress. I don't know but it may refer to those who vote against this bill. It must apply to somebody. Really, he did not see how this country could have been more lavish in expenditures. But every means must be taken to increase them. We must fund the public debt, and divide five Next to the army which atmillions among the States. ehieved our independence, those men will deserve the thanks of the nation, who shall wipe the public debt from the records of the country. It had been said that oneI never heard that third was lost by the funding system. fact: for, as soon as the funding system began, there, were riders from Philadelphia, and New York, and the Eastward, scattered all over the country, as thick as ever tin pedlars were, gathering up the paper-which gave a spring to the business, rather than otherwise. There were no post roads then, but people could travel, when Will any their interests were concerned, without them. gentleman lay his hand on his heart and say that he thinks there was any unfairness in the funding system? If gen tlemen will examine the funding system, they will find that there was a plan to make speculators disgorge their ill gotten wealth. Mr. BELL said that he agreed with the gentlemen of the Committee that these applicants had a just claimbut he differed with them upon the amount. He believed it was the same as that of the Revolutionary Soldiers. His object was to They endured the same privations together, and ought to be provided for by the same bill. strike out the whole bill, and to propose another, as an amendment, which should remunerate the Officers and Soldiers for their losses by the depreciation of the Continental money. Mr. B. then handed in his amendment-but, The CHAIR said he was under the impression that the motion was not in order, as the question before the Senate now was that of filling the blank. Mr. BELL moved that his substitute be printed. The CHAIR said it was not in order, unless the Senate consented. Mr. WOODBURY said that there was no objection to the printing--and he would now observe that the Com mittee were ready to consider any modification at the proper time. The printing was then ordered. Mr. TYLER, in reply to the several gentlemen who had supported the bill, then said, that he owed an apology to the Senate for taking part in the discussion of the Did he listen question now under consideration, after the somewhat protracted debate which had arisen on it. to the admonitions arising from his state of health, as well as the conviction under which he labored, that he could impart no new interest to the subject, he should certainly But there were considerations operating remain silent. upon him which he could not disregard. The solicitations of some of the members of this body, united with the strong desire which he had to remove from him every shade of imputation which might rest either on his justice or gratitude, led him to obtrude himself upon the notice. of the Senate. He trusted that he was incapable of either injustice or ingratitude. He felt, also, that this country could not be accused either of the one or the other, and his remarks would be intended to relieve himself and the country from the imputation of either. The chairman of the committee who reported the bill now under discussion, and the Senator from Georgia [Mr. BERRIEN] who so eloquently advocated its passage, placed it exclusively on the footing of a legal claim. We look upon the object of this bill to be to take so much were told by those gentlemen, that the Government rest money out of the pockets of the descendants of the sol- ed under an actual, existing, and binding obligation to it. That it was a debt due and unpaid. The gen diers, to pay to these individuals. We are more disposed pass to help people whom we know, than whom we don't tleman from New York [Mr. VAN BUREN] who addressed know. We feel more for our neighbors than for indif- the Senate yesterday, while he seemed disposed to conWe associate with the officers, and we cede the legal obligation, sought to enforce its enactment ferent persons. sympathize with them. But we know nothing of the upon principles of liberality and equity. The horizon of As to the statement that the Maryland Line this debate has become, therefore, greatly enlarged, and did not agree to the commutation, he believed they ac- the question to be settled is one of no ordinary interest. cepted it, and that was agreement enough. He had heard I propose to examine both propositions in their turn. If their husbands did not! Does there rest, then, a legal obligation on the Govern much of suffering women. provide for them, he knew that they had a hard struggle.ment to pass this bill? In other words, does it stand inWomen have no political rights, and are necessarily pas debted to the memorialists, in virtue of contracts entered sive sufferers. There were no petitions from women, and into during the Revolutionary war? If so, Mr. President, no Committee appointed on their claims. They sat at it is our solemn duty at once to cancel the debt: but, if home and exercised the virtues of patience and industry. it be so, then, sir, I should be led to blush for my coun soldiers. |