No. 1718.

SUNDAY, JANUARY 3, 1841.

PRICE 64.

THE POLITICAL EXAMINER. unsafe to a great and brave people, who may defy midst of preparations for war. What can have been any invasion but the invasion which they them- the cause of this great change in so short a space of selves are now facilitating-the invasion of their time"? civil rights.

If I might give a short hint to an impartial writer, it would be to tell him lis fate. If he resolves to venture upon the dangerous precipice of telling unbiassed truth, let him proclaim war with mankind à la mode le pays de Pole-neither to give nor to take quarter. If he tells the crimes of great men, they fall upon nim with the iron hands of the law: if he tells their virtues, when they have any, then the mob attacks him with slander. But if he regar is truth, let im expect martyrdom on both sides, and then he may go on fearless; and this is the course I take myself.-DE FOE.

THE NEW BLUNDERS IN THE EAST.

The short answer would be, that Lord Palmerston had been taking measures to strengthen the security of the peace of Europe. And do you call this improved security ?" would be the wondering inquiry Admiral Stopford's annulment of Commodore of the voyager.- "Oh," would be the rejoinder, Napier's convention with Mehemet Ali is the new" Lord Palmerston has succeeded completely, he has scene in the Comedy of Errors. It was known" reduced Mehemet Ali to his Egyptian boundaries." before that there was not a good understanding "But what has be done with France, the mood of between the Admiral and the Commodore, but a" which is more important to the peace of Europe misunderstanding to such an extent as seems to" than the occupation of Syria by one despot or have existed in this case was hardly conceivable. "another"?

THE FORTIFICATION OF PARIS. We have witnessed many strange things in our time, but the most whimsical of all is certainly the fortification of Paris. It is a new sight to see a people most industriously and joyfully engaged in For what was Commodore Napier dispatched Whatever may be thought of the wisdom of the building a huge gaol for themselves-throwing up with a squadron to Alexandria, if not empowered Eastern policy, the fact must be admitted that works commanding their own liberties, planting to act or to negotiate, is the obvious question. But peace is less secure at this moment than it has been cannon which may strike noisy Paris dumb, and it appears that Lord Palmerston's instructions as to at any preceding period in the last quarter of a cenmake its malcontent citizens quiet as mice under any the terms to be offered to Mehemet Ali reached tury. We enter the year 1841 in a general state of coup d'état of the sovereign authority. the Admiral after the Commodore's departure for derangement and disturbance, East and West-thre Alexandria. French alliance, which the Duke of Wellington so Europe, broken; the Russian alliance unnatural, wisely pronounced the essential to the peace of uncertain, and already distrusted.

The fortification of Paris is the counter-work to

the Revolution of July, it is the barricade reversed. It declares that there shall be but one more revolution, whenever the occasion is ripe for it. The machinery for a tyranny will all be fabricated and in position, and nothing wanting but the despotic spirit When the tyrant's artizan made the brazen bull he had no presage that he was to be the first sufferer in it; and so the Parisians are delighted to construct their bull, without a suspicion that it will be their allotted part to bellow in it. They applaud it, they pay for it, they build it, they will be held fast in it. The wickedest old city in the world at last puts itself in gaol.

to turn the ready made powers to their bad uses.

They know not what they are doing, it will be said, but shameful is the defence that France is so carried away by fear of foreign enemies as to lose sight of her own liberties and their safe keeping. If she be not acting in fear she is acting in bravado, and what bravado! and at what a price-a bravado at the cost of the securities for liberty, and the sorry bravado of saying that a foreign enemy may ravage all France, but shall not capture Paris. But in such a bravado must be implied the design of some great aggression, the invasion of neighbouring countries, the attack on their liberties, and a hold to retreat to in the capital in the event of failure, and retaliation; and in this case a fitness of a certain bad kind is observable, namely, that the appui for attempts against the liberties of other nations involves in danger the liberties of the people entertaining such criminal designs.

the despatch to Lord Ponsonby, expressing the
This despatch is dated exactly one month after
desire of the Allies that Mehemet might be rein-
stated in the hereditary government of Egypt. With
Everything is settled is the boast; that every-
modore negotiated, and the Admiral, with the later triumphed, and their triumph puts the policy of
this last mentioned despatch in his hand the Com- thing is unsettled is the fact. Our arms have
despatch in his hand, annulled the Commodore's which they were the instruments on its trial.
negotiations. Had the instructions been furnished
sooner this unpleasant affair would have been things. Our gunnery has been excellent; but what
Gunnery and statesmanship are very different
avoided; but it is possible that an agreement upon does it prove for Lord Palmerston's policy? Our
the terms to be granted could not have been sooner sailors have hit their mark, but it does not thence
obtained.
follow that the Foreign Secretary has hit his.

In Lord Palmerston's instructions not one word

appears about the hereditary government of Egypt.
All that is promised is, that the Sultan shall be
recommended to re establish the Pacha in the go-
vernment from which he has been de jure deposed.
The Admiral, however, in his letter accrediting
Captain Fanshawe, pledges the Allied Powers to
maintain his Highness in the pachalic of Egypt.
To promise to maintain is to promise much, and in
this the Admiral appears to have exceeded his in-
structions, as much perhaps as the Commodore
exceeded his authority.

The aim of the cannon does not establish the

correctness of the aim of the statesman. Powder and ball have done their work, and now comes the experiment of the wisdom that has employed them as means for ends as yet uncertain. It remains to be seen whether the Sultan will be invigorated by thrusting the government of turbulent Syria on his feeble hands, and also whether battering down towns in that province has raised the security of peace in Europe.

Within the last few days the reliance to be placed on the Russian alliance has come under discussion, The Commodore was so guarded, so extremely the French having begun to build hopes of sup diplomatic, as to explain that he gave the Pacha planting us upon a friendly letter, which the Empe his title provisionally, subject to the pleasure of the ror is reported to have addressed to Louis Philippe. Porte: the Admiral observes no such punctilio. He treats with the Pacha precisely as if no brutum fulmen had been levelled at him.

Altogether the terms of the Commodore were the more favourable to the Pacha, as in them there was a quid pro quo, and the surrender of the fleet In one view the fortification of Paris may cer- was conditional on the concession of the hereditary tainly diminish the chances of foreign invasion. The government; and the Commodore's convention is despotic powers have been inimical to France be-known to have been satisfactory to Government, cause of the example of her revolutions, and the much more satisfactory than the Admiral's disdemocratic opinions which triumphed in the last of turbance of the arrangement. The Admiral is inthem; but when they see Paris under the lock and deed freely blamed by the Morning Chronicle for key of the King, bolted in by forts bristling with having disturbed the Commodore's convention; but cannon, and barred in by circumvallations, even when he found in his instructions for the negotheir jealousy of the democratic tendencies of tiations no mention of the hereditary government, France may be dismissed, and they may leave the which the Commodore so positively guaranteed, it King with the new powers put into his hands, to must be admitted that he was placed in a considersettle the question of liberty and constitutional rights able difficulty, in which it may have seemed imperative with the people at the feet of his fortresses. to him to give effect to the letter of his instructions, rather than to the Commodore's arrangement.

The conduct of the French Liberals on this occa. sion is a matter for wonder and lamentation. They have been the most eager for the defences against improbable external dangers, which will be their sure

shackles at home.

It is confidently reported that the Porte either
refused to consent to the Commodore's convention,
or strongly protested against it, at the instigation of
our excellent Russian Ally, so that the Comedy of

The valour of the French is beyond dispute, but Errors would have been complete if the Commo-
on this question it would have been well if their dore's convention had not been annulled by the
daring and their caution had changed directions Admiral, in which case the Porte and Great Britain
if their fears and their prudence had been more
would have been at variance, and our guarantee to
for liberty at home-their rashness and neglect of
defensive precautions for enemies abroad.
The Admiral, after all, has blundered upon the
excess of caution and the excess of hazard have solution of the difficulty, and successful blundering
both been miserably misplaced.
is everything in the Eastern policy.

The

Mehemet dishonoured.

"We are enabled," says the Presse, "fully to confirm the receipt, by the French goveroment, of a most friendly note from the Russian Cabinet. It is not only in its written despatches that the Russian government evinces a desire to renew an amicable intercourse with France. M. de Barante, our ambassador at St Petersburg, loudly proclaims the unusual kindness and particular attention with which the Emperor Nicholas has treated him for some time. It is evident that Russia does not deceive herself respecting her present relations with Great Britain, and that she is only seeking an opportunity of breaking off with her. Should this rupture take place, it would be an immense event, since would leave England in precisely the same predicament in which we found ourselves after the treaty of London. We think that it now depends on the skill of the French govern ment to take in that respect a signal and durable revenge."

it

This is reckoning too fast, no doubt; but it has its importance as indicative of the eagerness of the French to make reprisals. Edifying it is to see the lecture which the Chronicle delivers to our neighbours on the occasion

"Whenever the French unite with Russia, they must reckon on making sacrifices, great sacrifices, not only of material interests, but of Liberal principles. What they can gain is doubtful, and exists only in the imagination of those

whose interest it is to deceive.

Mutato nomine, is not this reflection as applicable to England as to France; and have we not already noted symptoms that a sacrifice of Liberal principles is the consequence of an alliance with the despots of Europe. The last remark of the Chronicle has been the burden of our objection to the confederacy it advocates, that "the gain is doubtful, and exists only in the imagination," we will not add "of those whose interest it is to deceive," but of those who, in pursuing schemes for the regeneration of Turkey, have overlooked the passions they had to do with in the most inflammable country in Europe.

The following paragraph, which appeared in the Chronicle of Tuesday, is written to prove that despotism has been served by an alliance with Russia, and may strengthen the Chronicle's lesson to France by our own unfortunate example,

If it had so happened that the press of England had, instead of ridiculing the fortification of Paris, approved of it, we strongly suspect that the Liberals THE PROSPECTS of the NEW YEAR. of France would have begun to see in it all the dan- Let us imagine that an Englishman had been gerous uses to which it may be turned, for since the absent on a long voyage for the past year, during unfortunate differences have arisen between the two which period no news of any kind had reached countries, our neighbours judge of all things by the him. On his return, how great would be his amazerule of contraries, and infer that whatever is done ment on reading the public prints and hearing the or approved by England must be injurious to them- talk of the day; the speculations on the chances of "FROM THE DWINA, DEC. 10-The rapid decision of selves, or that whatever is objected to or discounte- peace; the reference to the alliance broken; the the Turko-Egyptian question, without the active co-operananced by us must be beneficial to them. result of the new alliance; the rumour of changing tion of Russia, may probably have disappointed many ar It is, however, with a sincere interest in the alliances; the isolation of France; the close junc-dent hopes of our warriors; for, as is the case in all armies, liberties and the dignity of France that her best tion of England with the despotic Powers; the great war. But in those quarters where other and higher couthe Russian soldiers, and still more the officers, wish for friends in England lament the fortification of Paris, armaments which are proceeding. "I left you," he siderations prevail than among the military, this decision as both unworthy of a great and brave people, and would say, "in profound peace, and I find you in the can give only satisfaction, For if it was brought about directly

But now Mr O'Connell makes a complete change | tion in this journal. It was not without much pain, in one of his positions. He before told us that the nor without painful results, that we stated our Repealers were heartily disposed and ready to co-opinion of that error, but we stated it unflinchingly operate with the Whigs, but now he says that the at a very critical moment. Whigs have lost the hearts of the people (Repealers of course), and that therefore Carlow was carried by the Tories.

by British and Austrian forces, yet the Russian states-
men may claim the honour of having conceived the first
idea of it, and paved the way for its execution. Russia
looked only to the object in view, viz. to strengthen the
declining Ottoman empire; and that this object has been
attamed without costing it new sacrifices of men or money,
is to be considered as an unexpected piece of good fortune,
rather than a failure. Besides, the European system is so
restored and strengthened by the Treaty of London, that
Now, let Mr O'Connell make choice of one of
its basis, the monarchical principle, is more consolidated in
consequence. Now the maintenance of this principle is the these two conflicting positions, and we shall know
most necessary condition of the existence of Russia, that what to say of it-let it be that the Repealers were
is, of its progressive civilization, including its intellectual ready and eager to co-operate, but that the Whigs
improvement and increasing prosperity, the direction of
which, that it may gradually attain the highest attainable held aloof from them, or let it be that the Whigs
degree, must continue to be confided to one all-powerful have lost the hearts of the people, and the Repealers
head. We may therefore be convinced that Russia will among them, and therefore that the Repealers would
steadily abide by the idea which led to the Treaty of London, not co-operate with the Whigs;-but both asser-
and which includes more than the Oriental question; all tions cannot be true, and as the first was supported
those hypotheses to the contrary, which are now and then
broached respecting the future policy of Russia, may the by Mr O'Connell with evidence, we adopt it, and
more certainly be rejected as delusions, since they but too adhere to the inevitable conclusion to be drawn
clearly betray the intention of placing the good faith_of from it.
Russia in an equitable light in the eyes of its allies.”-
Hamburg papers, Dec. 22.

So that the idea which led to the Treaty of July included more than the Oriental question, namely, "the maintenance of the principle" which places Russia under one all-powerful head," in other words, the maintenance of sovereign authority against any abridgment or invasion. Here the Holy Alliance arrière pensée breaks out.

MR W. TOOKE'S EXIT.

Mr W. Tooke, it will be seen, has resigned the treasurership of the Useful Knowledge Society on the ground of a division of sentiment, and the consequent impossibility of his meeting it with the cordiality which has hitherto marked, &c. &c. &c. Fudge! Mr W. Tooke resigns because, if he did not, What the writer says in the outset of his article he would be turned out; and as for division of senis, we believe, quite true, that Russia is mortified timent, if there were any favourers of Mr Tooke and that her assistance was not required in Syria, and the influence he would have created, they durst not it is not improbable that this feeling has had some-declare their vicious leanings. Hence Mr W. Tooke thing to do with any civility offered to France; but prudently withdraws. if the fact be so, the French build too largely and too fast upon it. The time will doubtless come for Russia to play the game of France against England, but this is too early a stage for it.

We are glad to see that the Courrier Français and the Constitutionnel argue that it would be unwise and unworthy of France to coalesce with Russia against England. The same regard to the safety of liberty should have opposed them to the fortification of Paris.

The question now is, what the London University will do, the affairs of which have been conducted by Mr W. Tooke with the same object and morality as those of the Useful Knowledge Society.

THE GLOBE AND OURSELVES.
The Globe carries on the character of Mrs
Honour to the life.

When Mrs Honour is asked to explain what she means by her boast, that "some people are not like some people," and that she "would scorn to do AGAIN MR O'CONNELL AND CARLOW. this or that," the Abigail always betakes herself to At a meeting of the Repeal Association at Dublin, the retort, Oh! if the cap fits, indeed I'm mighty Mr O'Connell thus noticed our reply to his state-sorry-but it's not my fault. ment that the Repeal agitation had nothing to do with the loss of Carlow

The rule upon which we act, expressed with such spirit by Defoe (notwithstanding the bad French), in the motto we have chosen, imposes upon us the duty of censuring faults wherever we find them, and in proportion to the strictness with which we perform this disagreeable task is certainly the pleasure and cordiality that we feel in awarding praise. This the Globe, in pursuing the even tenor of its Ministerial servility, can never understand. It finds everything equally good in the backward part of the Government to which it is attached. As the Globe, like the dancer of bears, cannot abide anything so low as farces, which we have drawn upon for its likenesses, we will raise it to comedy, and let Gnatho speak for it—

"Quidquid dicunt, laudo: id rursum si negant lando id
quoque :
Negat quis? nego. Ait? aio: postremo imperavi
egomet mihi,
Omnia assentari."

But the Globe avers

"That no paper ever bestowed less individual flattery on the leaders of its party than the Globe has done." The Globe flatters-the Globe flatters itself most egregiously.

We beg to refer our readers to the advertisement announcing the names of the subscribers to the tribute to the memory of Lord Holland. The persons who do homage to such a character, in honouring it honour themselves, and upon reading the names in the list, the question must occur to many minds if these were the attached and admiring friends of the lamented statesman, who and what can be his calumniators? They have been few, but great is the infamy that there have been any. For if ever the grave should have closed in peace, and honour, and love over any man, it should have been over Lord Holland.

FRANCE.

(From our own Correspondent.)

The events of the last six months have strangely altered the position of those individuals who have voice and influence paramount in the affairs of France. This alteration, however, has had for result to replace each in the position which they ori

sion attending the political medley of 1830 Previous to that time Count Molé was a Minister of the elder Bourbons, and one of that Cabinet which had placed the politics of France at the feet and under the influence of the Emperor Alexander. M. Guizot, previous to this period was half professor, half politician, in both characters insisting on the advantages and reality of constitutional government, of which he preferred the English specimen, that based on and most closely connected with aristocracy. At the same epoch M. Thiers was co-editor of the National with Armand Carrel, a patriot on old revolu

The qui capit ille facit is a very cowardly maxim. Insinuation should be handled like the nettle, and it "I shall now read you a passage to show what Whig logic is stingless. The Globe thinks we have given praise the Examiner uses on this subject: Mr O'Connell thus to Ministers which they do not deserve. It may be proves that the Whigs would not co-operate with the Re- so, for we cannot pretend to infallibility in our ap-ginally held, and which they only lost in the confupealers, and that the result of the want of co-operation was the loss of the election. But what was the cause of the con-preciation of conduct and services; but we should duct of the Whigs, unwise as it was? The Repeal agitation. like to know the instances, that we may reconsider, If there had been no Repeal agitation, the Whigs and popular and, if necessary, revoke our too flattering judg. party of Ireland would have been heartily united, as before. ments. It was unkind of the Globe not to set us Mr O'Connell's representation of facts, then, does but end in establishing our conclusion.' Softly, Mr Examiner. If all right at the time. the Whigs were as formerly, they would always lose Carlow. But, in plain earnest, we can easily believe that Why was it that I resumed the agitation of Repeal? It was the praise we have given to Ministers, when we because I saw that the Whigs would do nothing that, in have thought praise due, has been caviare to the fact, they could do nothing, even if they possessed the incli- Globe, for our praise has been given to the more nation, which they do not. Do we not see them overwhelmed in the Lords, and when left to themselves put down in the liberal dispositions of the Government, and to those House of Commons? I did not resume the Repeal agitation of its members who have possessed the courage to until I saw how utterly unable the Whigs were to effect any-be just in the popular cause, and the Globe is, if thing. Thus it was that the Whigs lost Carlow; and if it not the organ, the representative of the most back-tionary principles, detesting the dynasty, and hoping were not for the Repealers Mayo would have been lost also. ward section of the Ministerial party. The Globe to replace it by some other government, no matter To be sure the Whigs are in power, but it is also as true that they have lost the hearts of the people. (Hear.) Their has, therefore, always been, in a covert way, the of what kind, which would hoist the revolutionary little cliques and coteries to legislate do not satisfy the coun- enemy of the Examiner. In all that we would flag and bear it once more triumphant over Europe. try. See how magistrates are selected by the Whigs. There support and encourage it sees all that it would In the confusion of 1830 and the ensuing year these is Sir R. Palmer, the man who actually says that the votes of damp and depress. It is for holding back when we three men forgot their nature and their precedents. his tenantry are not their own property. He wrote a very are for advancing. We are for the wheels that Molé, as a Minister of quasi-royalty, was spurned impertinent letter to a clergyman, and he also wrote to a tenant of his to that effect. And what follows this? Why, move on in the Government, and the Globe is for by the Eastern Courts, which he in vain endeawe find, in the very next Gazette that follows, Sir Roger the wheel that is locked, and which it embraces in voured to propitiate, and was obliged to lean upon Palmer declared a magistrate of no less than four counties. quality of drag-chain. The Globe, indeed, does not England abroad and the Liberal Constitutionals at (Hear, hear.) There are the Whigs for you! Sir Roger venture to hint a fault or hesitate dislike when home. Guizot, alarmed at the menaces and enasserts that which is wholly unconstitutional, and for so doing Ministers make advances, or do right things courage. croachments of the popular party, looked solely to we find him immediately rewarded with a magistracy by the Lord Chancellor and the Lord Lieutenant, who gives nothing ously, it acquiesces in whatever they do, good or measures of internal repression. In these, too, the to Repealers. (Hear, hear.) Such is the worse than foolish ill, but it has no sympathy with a support stronger Liberal Thiers joined; and, participating in all the course adopted by the Whigs towards this country. I shall, and more earnest than its own, given to the more fears of the Conservatives, lest anarchy and war for my part, vote for the Whigs on all party questions, in should risk the loss of all the liberty acquired, order to keep them in; but I tell them honestly and openly, that they have lost altogether the hearts of the Irish people, Thiers opposed the Liberals as anarchists, and the and nothing but the loud cry for Repeal shall henceforth be war and revolution party as madmen, with a veheheard amongst us. (Loud Cheers)." mence and talent which recalled Canning in certain years of his parliamentary career. The year 1840 has undone and unwound all the positions and ideas which 1830 had wrought; for now Count Molé reappears as the Aristocrat and Conservative, and as the promised restorer of the Russian alliance. M. Guizot has resumed his post as the friend of England, constitutional government, and constitutional alliances; whilst M. Thiers has fallen back upon the Thiers no longer dreads anarchy or revolution; he would neither tranquillize France nor pacify Europe by repressing them. He owns that he was mistaken from 1830 and 1840, and regrets that he helped to restrain France from running amuck against Europe, Since the Treaty of July, 1840, M. Thiers believes a war inevitable, a war sooner or later between the revolutionist and the absolutist principle. He entertains the decided opinion that the differences between European principles can only be settled and decided by the sword, and he cares not how soon the great war is to take place, which is to be greater in its effects and results than the wars of Napoleon. M, Thiers, therefore, has but one idea, one burthen

"

liberal conduct and dispositions of the Government. A correspondent writes to us-"The Globe says you are blind not to see what it has been at, and "really, my good Examiner, I agree with it that We concur in all that Mr O'Connell says in re- you have not evinced your usual penetration, for probation of the appointment of a man to the magis-"it is clear to me and to some others that the tracy who had claimed a property in the votes of" Globe's bile has been stirred by your estimate of his tenantry. A person who so exceeded his own "the character of a lamented nobleman, who loved rights, and invaded the rights of others, must be " peace as dearly as he loved the interests of his quite unfit for the administration of justice, and the appointment, if Mr O'Connell's statement be correct, is a shameful one.

As to the question of whether the Repeal agitation had or had not to do with the loss of Carlow, Mr O'Connell leaves the dispute between us exactly where he found it, after a flourish promising to demolish our logic, which lies in a nut-shell.

"

country. In the Globe of the 21st you will observe the allusion is to the living or dead."" It may be so, and, if it be, all that we have to say is, that we regret the faint and imperfect ex-old ideas held by him as editor of the National. M. pression which we have given to our feelings of respect and admiration of the character referred to. Our conjecture, however, was that the allusion of the inuendo-monger was to the late Lord DurHe says that the Tory triumph was not in any ham, upon our appreciation of whose services to degree attributable to the Repeal agitation, and in the popular cause the Globe had before delivered the same breath he asserts that the refusal of the some impertinences. The instance was rather an Whigs to co-operate with the Repealers was the unlucky one to quote against us, for, grateful as we cause of the defeat. Well then, we conclude ac. were to Lord Durham for his long services in the cording to your own premises-if there had been no cause of reform, and for the manful stand he made Repeal question there would have been no dis- against the drag-chain doctrine of Lord Brougham union between Whigs and other Reformers, and the at the Edinburgh dinner in 1834, yet we were no borough would have been carried by a cordial co-indiscriminating supporters of Lord Durham, and operation. his last Canadian proclamation found no justifica.