Our locks, old friend, now thinly grow, And some hang white and chill; While some, like flow'rs 'mid Autumn's snow, And so, in our hearts, though one by one, Then here's to thee, old friend, and long And still, as death comes stealing on, Sir Henry Cavendish's Debates of the House of Commons; during the "Unreported Parliament." Now first published by J. Wright. Longman and Co., &c. or enemies; none to strangers, to Spaniards, French or Laporte. Her Majesty's Theatre opens the week after THEATRICAL EXAMINER, The Haymarket King's Barber is designed to exhibit what are supposed to be the peculiar talents of Mr Wallack and Mrs Stirling. It is, as the playbills somewhat coolly expressed it, for Mr Wallack and Mrs Stirling. And it is certainly much more for them, than it can ever hope to be for the The prospects of the ballet are brilliant. Fanny Elssler ment de Paris, in which the characters of Juno, Pallas, We quote what follows as a set-off. It reduces one's -La Clemenza di Tito-ll Turco in Italia." IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS. Lord WHARNCLIFFE gave notice that, shortly after The Earl of RIPON entered into a statement of the concluded with a motion for the production of papers.existing relations between Great Britain and Persia, and Viscount MELBOURNE was ready to consent to the production of the papers asked for. The chief remaining continued detention by Persia of a fortress, important both in a military and financial point of view. The Shah had promised to make the required restitution; and till it was made, friendly relations between the two countries could not be restored. The Emperor of Russia, he rejoiced to say, showed himself ready to afford his best offices for the re-establishment of peace in Central Asia. Tuesday, February 23. Two new pieces, pretty equal in merit, produced on the same night, and received by the respective The publication of this important work, to which audiences with about the same amount of polite we have directed attention on former occasions, indifference, have been played in the past week at proceeds with unabated spirit and success. We the Covent Garden and Haymarket Theatres. need scarcely repeat that it is a collection of the The Covent Garden Captain of the Watch is a hitherto unreported proceedings of one of the most sort of monologue for Mr Charles Mathews, who exciting periods of our parliamentary history, the plays the Captain himself, not without a certain whole stirring time of the Letters of Junius. It is bustling, commonplace cleverness. He is one of filled with admirable specimens of the oratory of those old established characters-venerable proGeorge Grenville, Fox, Barré, Lord North, Dun-perties of the stage-who are always getting into ning, Thurlow, Wedderburn, Beckford, Blackstone, scrapes, and always getting out of them. When and others; but its chief interest continues to rest we have added that there is an old Baron in the on its extraordinary additions to the recorded farce, played by Mr Bartley; that there is an old speeches of Burke. Of these more than two hun- Baron's niece, played by Mrs Walter Lacy; that dred, all on exciting topics, and illustrating the there is an old Baron's niece's waiting-maid, played brightest period of Burke's career-though George by Mrs Humby; that there is a garden, a very the Third had not at that time taken him by the dark night, a bedchamber, and Mr James Vining hand at levee-will be included in the collection. in the character of a lover; we are sure that to We find in the present part some pithy and say more would be to trespass on the reader's weighty words of the great statesman, which we time and waste our own. commend to the attention of the Anti-Corn Law Association. In a Committee on the Corn Trade, Mr de Grey had moved "It is the opinion of the Committee, that it is expedient, at this time, to permit the exportation of malt," and Sir George Suttie had proposed, by way of amendment, to add the words," barley and wheat flour." On this public. Thomas Townshend rose and said he should give The subject is Spanish, and not by any means no opposition to the first motion; "but," added new. This last importation of it is from the French. he, "we are not ripe for the amendment. The It turns on a conspiracy, of course; which is joined honourable baronet carries his principle to an ex-by the king's barber because the king has run away difference between the two governments originated in the tent it will not bear." To this genuine Conserva- with the king's barber's mistress. The king, Mr tive speech, Burke at once answered in these few Frederick Vining, is in reality a better fellow, how memorable words, now for the first time printed: ever, than you would be at all apt to suppose from what he either says or does. He suffers himself to "In my opinion, we are ripe for the question till we are be talked over, and (as that promising Sim Taprotten. There is no such thing as the landed interest Вераrate from the trading interest. What God has joined to- pertit has it in Barnaby Rudge) eyed over, by the gether let no man separate. He who separates the interest barber's mistress, Mrs Stirling, until she gets him of the consumer from the interest of the grower starves this to marry her to her real lover, not the barber, and country. Turn your land into trade. Export, that you may to marry himself to the Princess of Castile. This The Bishop of EXETER complained of delays in the keep your corn at home. Make things dear, that they may real lover is called Juan, and, in the comely per-printing of the ordinances from Canada.-Lord DUNCANbe cheap. These are all paradoxes; but nevertheless true. You are going upon particular, local, narrow, sentiments. You son of Mr John Webster, displayed such comical NON explained that, after orders had been given for printwill have twenty bad harvests, if the honourable gentleman combinations of costume as lover never figured in ing those ordinances, it had been discovered that a very establishes his principle. The sixth part of the grain of before. He had his head bandaged with an enor-important one had been omitted, and the delay had been England is in the ground. You will let nothing go out of mous shawl under his hat; and the black body of to the law officers of the crown.-The Bishop of EXETER occasioned by the necessity of submitting that ordinance the kingdom, but what you do not know what to do with." his vest flowered into large white calico sleeves at said that government had been guilty of gross neglect. We never saw the entire attack of Sir Fletcher each arm, and into a white calico kind of short pet-They had, moreover, shown great disingenuousness in enNorton on George Grenville, which is partially ticoat bedgown over his knees. Stockings of the deavouring to smuggle the papers through the forms of quoted by Junius, till we read it here: approved Spanish cut, with variegated ribbons half the house, without allowing due time for considering "I will tell gentlemen what I apprehend to be common way up the leg, completed, to the breathless asto-them.-Viscount MELBOURNE admitted there had been law. I say that is common law, which a common law judi- nishment of the audience, this amazing attire. Mr irregularity, but it had arisen from accident. The want cature, upon principles of reason, and upon cases properly Webster went cheerfully through his amatory and of ingenuousness was shown rather by those who made and legally brought before them, have determined to be law. If a determination come to three days ago is not common law, conspiratorial duties in the piece, notwithstanding. the charge.-The Duke of WELLINGTON said if the addia thousand years would not make it so: no time can make He is a clever young actor, and will perhaps bear tional time could not be given, all the right rev. prelate it law. [Here Mr Grenville shook his head, in token of reminding, that when you are saying to your mis- had to do, if he meant to make a motion on the subject, disapprobation] The gentleman may shake his head, tress, or anybody else, that in a certain event, you CANNON said that additional time for consideration should, was to bring it forward a few days earlier.-Lord DUNwhether there is anything or nothing in it; the gentleman should certainly plunge your dagger into some cer- if possible, be given; and the Bishop of EXETER postmay shake his head, and try whether he can shake argu-tain person, it is by no means requisite to pluck a poned till the 4th of March his motion relative to the "If," says Junius, "to the elegance, novelty, and dagger out of your small-clothes or petticoat, and seminary of St Sulpice. bitterness of this ingenious sarcasm, we add the flourish it in the lady's eyes. natural melody of the amiable Sir Fletcher Norton's The weight of this farce, which is perhaps more pipe, we shall not be surprised that Mr Grenville cleverly put together than its Covent Garden was unable to make him a reply." neighbour, rests on Mr Wallack's power of pass The whole of the proceedings in this part, how-ing from the comic to the serious, with a natural ever, are marked with unusual bitterness and vio- mixture of both in the transition. This we are un lence. We quote, as a curiosity, the close of one happy enough to think he cannot do, and are of Burke's invectives against Lord North, on what therefore not the best judges of the merit of the he styled the interference of his Cabinet with the production itself. There was no continuation of deliberative duties of the House: the comic distress in his manner, for example, “We, sir, require no mandates, no messages from the when he joins the conspiracy against the king at Treasury. The King's word is known in America: it is the end of the first act. He passed at once out known there, that the King is pledged for the repeal of of ludicrous agony into earnest rebellion, and And when it is known in gave his instructions about the window and the America; when it is known in the streets; why should we handkerchief with the pathetic and passionate tone not know it here? The mock deliberation will be here; of a wronged and high-minded-barber. Mr Walthe real one in the Cabinet. You will have a proposition made you to repeal those taxes. And if this House has lack is a powerful actor of melodrama, and not at lost all deliberative authority, if it has lost all power of its all powerful in anything else. own, it is fit somebody should deliberate for us. The times The masquerade at Drury Lane is said to have which will not punish such things, ought not to animadvert been successful, and Mr Eliason announces anoupon them. The noble lord, in announcing to the Houes his ther. It appears that the German Opera will appointment to the head of the ministry, stated, that the individuals who compose it did not even know one another. begin at this theatre next month, again directed If so, it is the more necessary that those individuals who by Herr Schumann. We have no doubt of his They ranges to one another should be men of honour. success, if he redeems his promises. Schroeder remind me of certain ladies, who do not think it neces- Devrient is announced, and Herr Haitzinger, among the sary to know their gentlemen, provided they are well paid singers. Among the operas, Meyerbeer's Huguenots and The noble lord tells us, his new office fell upon him: it is an escheat. I wish him joy of it. Thus the lady might say, I fell down; he fell upon me. The office fell upon the noble nights. Merschner is to lead in person, and Meyerbeer lord in the same manner. He is willing to go up-stairs or will superintend the production of his own opera. These down stairs, backwards or forwards. If the lady's name is are expectations worth having. known, her lodgings known, there is no objection to friends But the grand antiouncement of the week is that of M. ments out of it." certain taxes in this House. Lord LYNDHURST alluded to the bill for the reform of the administration of law in the courts of equity. He hoped suitable compensation would be secured to the holders of offices likely to be abolished.-Viscount MELBOURNE promised that compensation should be given to all who were found really entitled to it. Thursday, February 25. The bill for facilitating the administration of justice at Friday, February 26. The Bishop of LONDON presented petitions from Sussex socialists, praying an inquiry into their doctrines. On the motion of Lord BROUGHAM, the burning act 1 selves was, the right to nominate the place at which the mail-bags should be put on board. The lords of the admiralty had selected Dartmouth, and he believed no parties had pronounced an opinion favourable to Falmouth except parties connected therewith.-Lord ASHBURTON thought the arrangement made by the government extremely absurd, inasmuch as the packets would have to put into two harbours instead of one. After some further discussion, copies of the correspondence between the commissioners and the lords of the admiralty on the subject were ordered.-Adjourned till Monday. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The London and South-Western, and the Eastern counties railway bills were severally read a second time. relative positions of landlord and tenant. All direct in-against each other. What remedy presented itself? In fluence upon the political acts of a tenant was an undue the present state of parties neither the "beneficial interest influence, and was not the less to be condemned on test," nor the "solvent tenant test," could be affirmed by account of the frequency of its occurrence-Mr LITTON a declaratory act. It might be urged that the opinion of announced his intention to vote against the bill, as the majority of the judges ought to be conclusive: he contended to revoke all the best provisions of the Irish fessed he thought so too, and he heard with dismay a conreform act. It would make perjury and personation un trary doctrine set up, tending, in his opinion, to unsettle necessary, by at once letting in the mob, the pauper con- every law. But the house could not oblige the assistant stituency upon them.-Mr J. W. FITZPATRICK spoke in barristers to adopt this view; and if it could, there would favour of Lord Morpeth's bill, as simple, just, and effi-be no relief from the main evil, the contrary swearing. At cacious in its enactments. Mr LUCAS would only have present the labourer with the smallest holding, when he made use of the poor-law valuation as a means of ascer-looked to the opinion of some of the judges, and to the taining the beneficial interest of the tenant's holding, total dependence of himself and his family upon his little after rent and other charges had been deducted. He did freehold, might often, without violation of conscience, take not believe the Irish constituency to be decreasing, but he the oath required to register his franchise. And even believed, by lowering the franchise as proposed by this where the circumstances were such that actual perjury IRISH REGISTRATION BILL. bill, the noble lord would altogether swamp the existing was committed, it was committed, he believed, from no The house was for some time occupied by the presenta constituency.-Lord MORPETH began by retorting upon peculiar laxity of principle among Roman Catholics tion of petitions in favour either of Lord Morpeth's or Lord Stanley the charge of the latter against ministers (hear)-a laxity which he was glad that their opponents Lord Stanley's registration bill. The second reading of of having disturbed men's minds on the subject of the had not in this debate imputed to them-but from that the registration of voters (Ireland) bill having been elective franchise. On this subject, he (Lord Morpeth) general disregard of oaths in restriction of large classes of moved, Lord STANLEY began by saying that the material thought they had still something to learn from the noblemen, which had exemplified itself in the case of the oaths points on which he still differed from the noble lord the lord, who had certainly not shown himself a settler, an imposed by the customs acts (hear), and even in the case Secretary for Ireland were not numerous. The noble anti-disturber, or a peace-maker. The noble lord spoke of the oaths taken by election committees. (Hear, hear.) lord had conceded the principle of an annual revision of of the definition of the franchise as a "tack" and a post-He saw no remedy so clear and hopeful as the test by the registry, but he had retained the very inconvenient script to the measure; but he (Lord Morpeth) if he were rating. But he must say that the returns presented on practice of a quarterly registration of voters, by which not allowed to consider it as part of the text of his bill, Monday, which formed the basis of the present bill, were means the ordinary business of the quarterly sessions in must at all events look on it as the preface, for it was cer- wholly unsatisfactory (hear), so little was there either of Ireland would still be interfered with; the whole year tainly the most essential part of it, and without it he did accuracy or of uniformity in these valuations. Still that would be made one continued scene of registration, and not believe there was any hope of bringing the question was no reason for voting against the second reading the whole country perpetually engaged in election con- to a satisfactory and final settlement. Without it, any (cheers); since the house might take measures for proflicts. The noble lord had adopted also the principle of interference with registration must end in mere delusion curing valuations which should really be correct. And the appellate tribunal, but it was very different from that and must itself be as great a fraud as any that it professed probably the whole object might be attained by requiring which he (Lord Stanley) had proposed. He had found to remove. Lord Morpeth denied that the bill would that the voter should be rated for a certain amount beyond a tribunal ready to his hand, but the noble lord (Morpeth) give a more enlarged franchise to the people of Ireland that for which he might be rated in the shape of rent (that proposed to create a new appellate tribunal, to be com than was already possessed by the people of England; is, for a bona fide surplus belonging to himself). The posed of three barristers, to be named by the Speaker. and he believed that he and his colleagues would be com- landlords were now diminishing the number of tenants The more sincere his respect for the right hon. gentleman pletely outbid in the market by any party offering to give qualified to register, by refusing to renew the leases; and now in the chair, the more irresistible were his (Lord the whole of the English franchise to Ireland. (Cheers that number would be still further diminished by any Stanley's) objections, not to conferring on him a right- and laughter.) Ministers were twitted with an excessive searching law of registry like that of Lord Stanley. Such but to imposing on him a duty, the exercise of which partiality for Ireland; but it should be remembered that a result the house ought to counteract, as far as that could would always be liable to misconstruction, and would there the 40s. freeholders could not vote. He insisted on be effected by clearing the construction of the law. To always tend to excite suspicions, which he for one would the authority of Mr Lucas and Sir D. J. Norreys, as impose on the assistant barristers the duty of determining not consent to throw on the individual who for the time favourable to the principle of the rating test; and that construction, was to injure their usefulness, by castbeing filled the chair of the House of Commons. After as to the amount, that question was for the commiting upon them the suspicion of party motives. They had dwelling on a few more of the details of the bi 1, as far as tee. He should rather have waited till the experi- themselves given evidence to that effect before the comthey regard registration, Lord Stanley came to what he ment of the poor law had been further ripened: but mittee on fictitious votes. The duty might be shifted described as the more important part of the bill, the Lord Stanley's legislation had forced ministers forward. upon other parties; but he knew not with whom it could "tack," which, he believed, had been annexed to it for It had become quite necessary to take some step; for be fitly lodged; not with the judges certainly not with the purpose of postponing or defeating the measure alto- almost all the litigation, whether in the registration courts the executive government. Equal difficulty occurred in gether, in the same way as another "tack" was for seve- or before committees of this house, now turned upon this the constitution of a court of appeal; or was the question ral years made the means of delaying the settlement of one question of value; and the Irish bench themselves of value to be decided by election committees? That was the Irish tithe question. The noble lord had now aban- were divided in opinion. Lord Stanley's bill, while it to give the seat to the longest purse. Ile knew that his doned the definition of the franchise, to propose a would drive away dishonest claimants, would be still more opinions would not satisfy those on his own side, nor his totally new franchise; but when he did so, he ought likely to drive away quiet, well-meaning persons. The vote those on the other; but he was resolved, on questions to state how far he meant to carry his modification of poor law rating, on the contrary, combined most of the so deeply affecting the public welfare, to act independently the reform bill. Did he intend to restore the forty- advantages of a test; though certainly it would not be an of party considerations. The importance of settling this shilling freeholders? He (Lord Stanley) believed that exact measure for each particular case. The question of question was enhanced by the doubtful state of our foreign the franchise now proposed would introduce a class of amount belonged more properly to the committee than to affairs. (Hear.)- Dr LEFROY objected to the bill, because voters having a less interest in their tenements--a class of the second reading; but he would not shrink from dealing it would do away with the enactments of the reform act. men far more dependent and in every way inferior to the with it now. Ministers, on looking into the facts, were There were already enough of democratic elements in the forty-shilling freeholders, The noble lord entered into a satisfied that even 51. net rating would exclude many constituency of Ireland, as was shown by the fact that multitude of minute details, to show that the rating to the voters of the kind which the reform bill meant to admit, seventy Irish members sat on the same side as the member poor was an inconvenient and objectionable test for the and they considered that by fixing the amount at a 51 for Dublin,-Mr PIGOTT said that ambiguity and perfranchise. He admitted that the franchise was possessed gross rating they were adopting a liberal test, but not an plexity must continue, while the franchise was allowed to in Ireland by a comparatively smaller number of persons; Stanley had relied on, as showing a constituency of 91,000 nion only. The judges of Ireland were divided now on inordinate one. (Cheers.) The document which Lord depend on value, because value could be matter of opibut for that there were several causes. First, there was the great subdivision of land in Ireland, where the holders voters, had been made out before the registration of last the question of the franchise, polling seven to five and were four times more numerous than on a corresponding would have expired, unless previously renewed; but, at this a state of things to which it was the duty of the legisautumn, at which time all franchises registered in 1832 eight to four on a question of political law, and was not area in Great Britain. This necessarily made the agri- all events, there would soon be a fresh return, giving the lature to apply a remedy? The bill of the noble lord cultural class in Ireland a very inferior class to that of Great Britain. The next reason for the diminution of the numbers now actually in existence. Towns as well as (Lord Stanley) was a bill of registration only, and on that Irish constituency arose from a natural unwillingness counties were included in this arrangement, for it was de-ground alone he (Mr Pigott) thought it was a measure among Irish landlords to granting qualifying leases; and sirable to take the opportunity of settling the whole sub which the house ought not to entertain; but the enactthat unwillingness he was certainly not surprised at, The jeet at the same time. He vindicated the provision for ments of that bill would aggravate all the worst evils of landlords of Ireland found there was exercised over their quarterly registration, and the restriction upon appeals the present system. Mr Pigott argued that the amount tenants an extraneous influence, which made the elective touching matter of fact. He trusted that the house, in of rating which should carry the franchise with it was franchise a source of dissension between tenant and land- choosing between the two bills before them, would act in matter for consideration in a committee. Sir W. FOLLETT lord. In England, he was happy to say, a contrary state the spirit of the reform bill-that they would shut out the was ready to admit that it would be convenient to subject of things existed. There, it was very generally under- many difficulties devised by Lord Stanley against the the right to the franchise to some such test as the rating stood, the tenant, in his political acts, was guided by his honest voter, and that they would rather adopt a measure to the poor; but he opposed the second reading of this bill landlord (ministerial cheers); there no unwillingness conciliatory to the great body of our Irish fellow-subjects. because it introduced a sweeping change in the existing existed on the part of the landlord to give such leases as (Loud cheers,)-The debate was then adjourned till qualification. He owned he was shocked at the state of should carry with them the elective franchise. In EngTuesday. things that had arisen in Ireland, and he lamented the inland, such was the good understanding on this subject, jurious influence which the conflicting decisions on the that it was always easy to calculate the result of a county re-franchise must exercise on the administration of justice in election as soon as it was known how the great landthat country; but the blame must rest, first, with those holders intended to vote. (Cheering from the Liberals,) assistant barristers who had thought fit to depart from the His lordship went on to say that he objected, not only to The adjourned debate was resumed by Mr YOUNG (of clear text of the Irish reform act; and, next, with those the general principle of the new franchise, to which he Cavan), who opposed the bill, and quoted, in support of judges who refused to allow a decision of a majority of should object whatever the amount of the rating might be, his views, from a speech spoken several years ago by Mr their own body to remove the doubts that had arisen. but he objected also most decidedly to the amount of value Spring Rice, for the purpose of exposing the evils of the The present bill did not, however, attempt to settle those of the rating that was to carry the franchise with it. The forty-shilling franchise in Ireland. He (Mr Young) be- doubts; it proposed rather to substitute a totally different consequence of so low a rating would be to give the fran. lieved the proposed modification of the franchise would franchise in the place of that which existed. The reform chise to every unfortunate man that held a cottage and an have the same effect of stimulating the subdivision of bill avowedly established the right of voting on the posacre of land under the most grinding landlord. The old land, and of aggravating the distressed condition of the session of property, and now they were to establish a franforty-shilling freeholders were at least obliged to have an peasantry. Mr S. O'BRIEN thought the government had chise wholly independent of property-a franchise given interest of forty shillings a year in their holdings. Not so fairly grappled with all the difficulties of the question. by the mere occupation, on a fourteen years' lease, of a with the new class of voters, who might have no interest He had no doubt, if the country were appealed to, that it tenement rated at five pounds. Such a franchise was all whatever in the land they held. Nor was there any secu- would pronounce very generally in favour of the measure.but universal suffrage! The great evil of the forty-shilrity for the independence of the constituency in the condi--Sir R. BATESON had looked upon the old forty-shilling ling freehold was, that it caused so great a subdivision of tion that the voter should hold a lease of 14 years. A lease freeholders as one of the greatest curses of Ireland, and land; but the plan now proposed would promote that subwould be of no value if the rent were a rack-rent, and the present bill would have the effect of restoring much division to a much greater extent, for the forty-shilling would in no way withdraw the voter from the direct control the same state of things.-Mr CAREW spoke a maiden freeholder had at least a life interest in his tenement, and of his landlord. Besides, if this five-pound franchise were speech in support of the bill. He pointed out many ex- he held his land at a rent of forty shillings a year less than given to Ireland, would they be able to withhold it from isting inconveniences in the registration courts in Ireland it was worth. By this bill no such checks were provided, England? His lordship concluded a speech of nearly three and read a letter from a clergyman of the established for the mere occupation of a five-pound house, on a fourhours' duration, amid loud cheers, having moved that church, describing those courts as an arena in which the teen years' lease, at a rack rent, would give the right o this bill be read a second time this day six months."- hardest swearer was sure to be most successful. Lord voting. But Mr C. WooD availed himself of the e earliest opportunity HowICK said, the question was not whether the house to express his entire concurrence with the course taken by would adopt the amount of 51., or any other particular deher Majesty's Ministers. He took a review of the details tail, but whether it would adopt the assessment to the of the two bills before the house, to show that the bill of poor's rate as the test of franchise-whether it would at Lord Morpeth was a more safe and efficacious remedy tempt the definition of the franchise conjointly with the than Lord Stanley's for the evils of the existence of which amendment of the registry. The present state of the complaint had been made. Mr Wood expressed surprise franchise the difficulty of ascertaining value-begot exat the declaration of the noble lord, on the subject of the Itensive perjury, and arrayed the different classes of society Tuesday, February 23. Mr C. BULLER obtained leave to bring in a bill to move objections to evidence on the ground of interest. IRISH REGISTRATION BILL. "He appealed to those honourable gentlemen, who, in that house had hitherto resisted the wild and visionary schemes that had been brought forward from time to time by a section them, were they prepared to support a bill that was more of the supporters of her Majesty's government, and he asked objectionable than any that had been yet proposed. (Cheers.) He did hope that a majority that night would declare that they would not consent, under the guise of a bill to amend the registration in Ireland, to set aside the reform bill for the out a few: three countries, and thus allow a new experiment upon the obliged afterwards to extend it to England, was altogether could be formed against England so long as the empire was constituency of the empire, which he thought must be at-worthless. Lord Stanley's bill would be a denial of the really united at home, but he did feel alarm when he found tended with danger to all the established institutions of the franchise to all but the wealthier classes, whereas the bill Irish discontent a matter of exultation to our enemies and of country, if not to the constitution itself. (Loud cheers.)" before them would conciliate the Irish people, without very terror to our friends. He did not apprehend actual rebellion Mr MACAULAY said he could not consider the question materially enlarging the franchise. Sergeant JACKSON during the life of Mr O'Connell, who had taught the great about the amount of 51. as anything but a question of began by praising the speech of Sir W. Follett, and lesson that the most effective insurrection was that which detail. He thought the dangers greater of unduly of empty and frothy declamation." He next condemned the And for what object was it that you were prepared thus to described the reply to it, by Mr Macaulay, as "a piece never broke out, but was always to be apprehended. (Hear.) narrowing than of unduly extending the franchise; but indirectness of ministers, in pressing a franchise which they encounter mischief and risk To turn out the government, he would not now enter on the question of amount, but knew they could not carry, and which some of their own or to get a dozen seats in Ireland? For what object proceed to what he considered the principle of the bill. friends in this house had already declared they themselves that common sense does not laugh to scorn, and common Each of the two measures bore the characteristic marks should oppose in the next stage. In answer to the com- justice does not repudiate with horror? (Loud cheering.) of its parentage. Any who thought that a registration plaints of diminution in certain constituencies, he cited the Sir J. GRAHAM said, it was the general opinion of the bill ought to be a bill of disfranchisement in disguise returns for various counties, exhibiting an increase. It was reform government, and not of Lord Stanley alone, that (cheers) might act on that opinion, but probably would true that the landlords were averse to granting fresh leases; the then existing registration system in Ireland ought not not avow it, (Cheers). He thought the object should be but the tenants, who wished for a peaceful life, were just as to be altered until there should have been some experience to shut out bad votes and let in good ones. (Cheers). to be distracted between the landlord and the priest. There either the discretion or the patriotism of the last speaker averse to accept them-so much did quiet occupiers "dislike of its joint working with the new reforms. He did not envy In both respects he thought Lord Morpeth's bill superior, would be much more of evil in the constituency now pro- in his incitements to the Irish people. In most of the He proceeded to compare the machinery of the two, and posed, than in the abolished class of 40s. freeholders. He speeches made during the debate, the friends of govern found no security in Lord Stanley's but the reiteration of enlarged upon the dangerous accession of strength which ment had shifted the discussion, finding it perhaps an incontrials. It was a childish measure, impeding all to keep the proposed franchise would confer upon the priests. The venient one, from their own bill to that of Lord Stanley, which members returned by the priesthood were at this day the Mr Macaulay had called a childish bill. After ridiculing Mr *He had no doubt it would prevent many bad votes from arbiters of the British government and interests. Mr Macaulay's oratory, he vindicated some main features of Lord getting on the register; but if they were to select men by lot SLANEY asserted the necessity of removing the present Stanley's measure, and referred to the lateness of the period at out of the population of London to go on to the treadmill, no ambiguity of the franchise. On the principle of the rating, which ministers had first intimated their intention of introdoubt they would get many rogues on to the treadmill who a large majority of the house were agreed. He thought, ducing their new franchise. On this franchise he would obdeserved it; but still it would be a childish system of legis- indeed, that the proposed amount was too low; but that was serve, that there had always been a distinction between the lation. (Oh! and laughter.) Or if they thus selected tall not an objection to the second reading. What he intended basis of the town and of the county franchise, the latter havmen or short men, or black-eyed men or blue-eyed men, they to vote for in committee was that which should be a bonding ever been founded on property. But if property were diswould no doubt have the same result; but it would be a fide equivalent for the franchise under the reform bill. In pensed with in the counties of Ireland, how could the same childish mode of obtaining it. (Oh! and laughter.) But England a 50%, occupier was permitted to vote, so that the latitude be refused to those of England and Scotland? this was a check which would strike off all these classes; it reform bill had nothing repugnant to the present proposal, (Hear.) The proportion of population was an element of would strike off the tall and the short, the black-eyed and the provided the amount were high enough.-MrTHESIGER was consideration where the question was what should be the problue-eyed all alike—it acted perfectly fair, (Laughter.)” unable to understand the last speaker's proposal for post- portion of representatives, but not at all where the question By the time a voter reached 70 he might have been sub-poning the consideration of that which really was, and had, was merely the proportion of constituents. He would ask jec'ed to 100 lawsuits at the cost of 1,000l. (Laughter)he main matter of the bill. This was the time to make the chance of passing this bill? If not, this was only the game by Mr Macaulay and Lord Morpeth, been admitted to be, ministers whether they themselves believed they had a Lord Stanley insisted that a man placed on the register stand. No argument had been advanced to vindicate this of the appropriation clause over again. He would retrace should not be safe if it could afterwards be proved that he new and startling proposal, which substantially violated the the recent course of ministers. Finding they had not the was placed there by fraud. That was not the rule of condition attached to the relief bill-the condition for the confidence of the house, they in 1839 resigned. They law in other cases, either criminal or civil. If such a extinction of the 40s. franchise. The two bills received the quickly resumed office: and shortly afterwards Sir H. Fleetsystem as Lord Stanley's were applied to the case of royal assent together, and were considered as component wood made a motion for a 101. county franchise. Mr Warelectors for the University of Cambridge, though the uni- parts of one settlement. At the time of the reform bill Mr burton and Mr Ward then said the Radicals must have versity vote was more valuable than a vote for an Irish O'Connell had raised his voice for a restoration of the 40s. some concession to quiet their constituents; and before the county, he felt that he should give up even that franchise, franchise, but he met with no support. Now, for the first following session it appeared, from Mr Macaulay's speech rather than go down every year to sustain it against time, the settlement was disturbed, and a class introduced at Edinburgh, that a step was to be taken on the subject of far more dangerous than the 40s. freeholders. There was the ballot. And now the same ministers, who had strained repeated objections. He dwelt on the scandal arising no objection on his own side of the house to a test by rating, at the 101. franchise for England, came forward with a 54. from the discrepancy among the judges, and then addressed if properly guarded; but here were no guards at all. He franchise for Ireland a new concession made directly to himself to the question of finality. Would the house, then arraigned the government for the mischief already done Mr O'Connell, who had himself proposed it some time from a desire to preserve all things fixed, maintain a state by this measure, in the excitement which it caused, and in before. But that was not the limit of Mr O'Connell's deof law which left all things unsettled? the new agitation cry which it supplied. Was it not that mands as he had put them forth to the Irish public"Stability! when there was one law in December and another they felt the respectable classes of society to have cast demands which included the very confiscation of the in May-one in Cork and another in Mayo-one law in the them off, and were therefore throwing out lures to a diffe- Protestant church. Sir James Graham then quoted a Queen's Bench, another in the Exchequer when the ques-rent class of allies?-Mr C. BULLER found no fault with declaration of Lord John Russell, that the real objects tion as to whether a great county should possess a constitu- the noble lord (Lord Stanley) for having brought in his bill; were to repeal the union, to confiscate the property of ency of 4,000 or 3,000 was made to depend on the fact whether for though the bill was a bad bill, it had forced government all Englishmen, and to establish some parliament of which a certain judge was likely to have a fit of the gout before next to bring in a good bill. The hon. and learned gentleman Mr O'Connell was to be the chief, and which, under sessions." (Great cheering.) The question was not between dwelt for some time on the hardships connected with an him, must within twelve months be at war with England. change and no change if it were so, he could understand annual renewal of a struggle for the franchise, which, tiring Those were Lord John's opinions in 1832; and he saw that those gentlemen who opposed this bill might have much out the patience of the bona fide voter, would induce him to nothing which had happened since to justify a greater confito say for themselves. The question was between one change abandon his right rather than subject himself to protracted dence on the part of the government in the intentions of Mr and eternal succession of changes (great and continued litigation. He next alluded to the well-known division be- O'Connell. (Cheers.) What had been the conduct of gocheering from the ministerial benches)-between a change tween the Irish judges on the subject of the franchise. Both vernment as to the repeal agitation? Why, they had remade by the imperial legislature and a change effected by the bills, he owned, would have the effect of determining the solved to withhold the government patronage from repealers; court of law (renewed cheers)-not one change but an hun-existing doubt, but while the government bill did so in a with reference to which resolve he enumerated the persons dred changes. Could anything be more calculated to lower straight-forward manner, the noble lord's (Stanley's) bill-who, after voting for repeal, had been appointed to places the judicial character than such a state of things as this? and he said this merely in a parliamentary sense-would do under the Irish government, amounting to about half a score Could anything be more monstrous than to give to the judges the business of legislation. (Cheers.) The noble lord's the offer of the office of chief baron to Mr O'Connell himso by as discreditable a trick as he ever saw introduced into out of the 38 persons who had so voted, to say nothing of the power of settling which county of Ireland should have a democratic which a liberal franchise." bill, supported by the comments that had accompanied it, self. (Cheers) He hoped to hear from Lord John, before would have the effect of compelling the minority among the the close of the debate, what were his present opinions upon judges to submit to the majority. What was this but to still progressive change. If he meant to go further, let him give a political character to the judges? It was the noble say so frankly, stake his government on the declaration, and lord himself, by his Irish reform bill, that had given rise to appeal to the people. For himself, he should adhere to the doubts respecting the franchise, and it was by the direct Lord Grey's reform bill; improving its provisions, remedymeans of an act of parliament only that the doubts ought to ing its defects, regulating its operations, but guarding the be solved. (Cheers.) They had heard a great deal about franchise, and resisting alterations thus inevitably tending deluging and swamping, but he believed the 5 fran- to universal suffrage. (Cheers.)-Mr SHEIL characterised chise would give them in Ireland nearly the same the speech of the right hon. baronet as marked with the proelectoral body that now existed; there might be a small verbial animosity of conversion, but he ought not to have extension, but even honourable gentlemen opposite would adverted, as he had done, to one (Mr Macaulay) who had hardly argue, if a change were necessary, that that been his colleague in the advocacy of the ballot. But such change ought to be a contraction of the constituency. had before been his treatment of former friends. Sir James The failure of the government bill might lead to the breaking Graham had quoted Lord John Russell, but he should have up of the ministry; but if so, it would soon bring back the remembered that Lord John had on the same occasion stated same or a more liberal administration. The object of the Sir James himself to have been one of a committee which hon. gentleman opposite was not registration, but to re-esta- had sanctioned the ballot. He had once applied to Sir J. blish the old Orange ascendancy. (Dissent from the oppo- Scarlett the term of a "recreant Whig." Leaving these sition.) It was not abstract love of registration that crowded personal allusions, Mr Sheil addressed himself to the bill the benches of that house, or that would suffocate them by under discussion, which he described as essentially in the and by, when they came to a division. The real object of spirit of the reform bill. There had been no objection to the land. But that was a matter not to be decided by the gain lords' command; but as soon as Irish electors became indethe struggle was the distribution of political power in Ire- forty-shilling freeholders so long as they voted at their landof an election here and there, or by the balance of influenza pendent, they became obnoxious. If one side said, "Don't on a party division. (Laughter.) It was by the bearing of change the settlement of the relief bill," the other might their foreign relations that the question must be decided, and say, Don't change the machinery, for such changes affect surely this was no time for them to alienate from themselves the whole working." The reform bill had been brought into the feelings of the Irish people. The Irish people, however, parliament with the assistance of a young patrician (Lord had been greatly changed of late years by the success that Stanley), the hereditary representative of liberal opinions in had attended their struggles, and a Tory government would that house, who at the time had openly declared himself had formerly found them. The temperance movement alone enough if a tenant had a beneficial interest in his land. It find them a very different set of antagonists from what they against the solvent tenant clause, arguing that it was quite was not till the noble lord had changed his party that he showed that a great alteration had taken place in the chaon the part of the leaders. (Cheers.) "But what seemed tuency, as racter of the people, and argued a most astonishing influence changed his mind, and offered to destroy the Irish constiproof of the sincerity of his conversion. to him far more worthy of notice and of admiration than the (Cheers.) "The noble lord said, when speaking of the bill effects of the movement was the cause which must have pre- of his noble friend, that it was a measure brought in 'under ceded it. Greatly altered, indeed, must have been the moral false colours, and with fraudulent pretences. He should state of the people, before they could have achieved that not designate the bill of the noble lord by any phrase so unanimous abandonment of drunkenness. In the last cengross. Cheers.) But who, said the right hon. gentleman, tury you might as soon have prevailed upon the Irish peasant can doubt the purpose of the noble lord who has read his to give up the use of air as of whiskey. A peasantry who bill, or rather heard him on Monday night last, insist on such could do so must be in a state of great moral susceptibility. doctrines, as to the relation of landlord and tenant, as the It must be under the influence of very high feelings, and of a most inveterate Tory in the house would be hardly intrepid very powerful public opinion of its own. It must have the enough to announce (loud cheers)-heard him say that power of spurning the pleasures and interests of the moment which ought to show to the people of England what manner The second reading of Lord Stanley's registration bill for the sake of distant good, and it must be capable of deep of man is now the standard-bearer of the Tories of this was postponed, pro formá, till Friday. The adjourned enthusiasm, and great self-denial, for a cause of a pure and country (vehement cheering), and which ought to make debate on Lord Morpeth's was resumed by Mr BROTHER- abstract nature. Such susceptibility implied a power of being England feel that the time is come when a stand is to be TON, who believed the effect of the bill would be to draw directed by the advice of their leader, and, above all, by their made against an intimidation-open, avowed, unmasked-to Beter countries more closely together. Mr MILNE priesthood, of which an extraordinary development might be be put in force against the consciences and liberties of those accused the authors of the bill of having brought it forward, expected when any occasion required it." This people, he who were unfortunate enough to be the recipients of the not with any intention or hope of carrying us but with ul regretted to say, entertained a feeling of resentment against franchise. (Continued cheering.) The noble lord, by that terior views, the nature of which it was easy to guess. The England; and when the language of the widely-circulated announcement, rendered an involuntary service to the cause real way to benefit freland would be to extend the system Conservative press was considered, was that resentment to of the people." Mr Sheil went on, with growing animation, of education, for which Ireland was indebted to Lord Stan- be wondered at. No one could deny that a foreign war had to urge the necessity of conciliating the people of Ireland, ley-Sir W. SOMERVILLE contended that the argument, become a more probable contingency than it had been for whom he described as fully aware of what their rights were that if they gave this franchise to Ireland they would be many years past. Now, he had no fear of any alliance that and determined to have them, «And do not imagine, The hon. member then contrasted the two bills. Wednesday, February 24. on the subject of the Sound dues. IRISH REGISTRATION BILL. แ a said Thursday, February 25. The North Midland railway bill, and twelve other private bills, were brought in.-Several motions on the notice paper were agreed to without opposition. IRISH REGISTRATION BILL. RUM DUTIES.-The house then went into committee on the East India rum duties bill.-Mr LABOUCHERE said, although it was intended to place rum, the produce of the sugar cane in the East Indies, on the same footing as the produce of the West Indies, it was not intended to apply that principle to spirits generally. The regulations on that point would be at present left to the governor-general. Mr HUME said, all the regulations affecting the colonies should be left to their local governments, and the system would be found to work much better. He thought there ought to be no restriction on the free exchange of produce between all parts of the empire and its dependencies.—Mr LABOUCHERE said it would be a breach of good faith if he now proposed the admission of all spirits into the bill. After some further discussion, the clause was agreed to, and leave was given to sit again on Friday next. Mr HAWES brought in a bill for effecting certain reforms in the medical profession-the clauses affecting chemi ts and druggists being left out of the present measure. a first time. FOREIGN NEWS. FRANCE. Read the right hon. gentleman, "that I mean to use menace; do the relief bill, but by the testimony of the Roman Catholic said to be the capture of Ghuznee; but he would remind not, do not mistake entreaty for intimidation; but remem-witnesses before a committee of the Lords in 1825. He then the house of the series of brilliant victories achieved by ber this-whilst France is arming, you are disfranchising: read passages from evidence to show the fraudulent system Sir Arthur Wellesley in India, and for which no peerage while she is raising legions, you are cutting down consti- on which the Irish landlords concocted these small votes, and was awarded for many years afterwards. It appeared to tuencies: while she is erecting ramparts, you are levelling he explained how the now proposed franchise would be liable him that in the affair of Ghuznee, Major Thompson and the great moral bulwarks of your independence. (Loud to all the same perversions, to political jobbing, and to the Colonel Denny had entitled themselves to the thanks and cheers.) For the injury done to her interest, and for the subdivision of land. If this franchise were granted to Ire- the rewards of the country-Sir R. PEEL was not quite loss of national dignity, it will be a sorry and ignominious land, how could the noble lord deny it to England and Scot- clear that the East India Company should not have granted compensation, that if foreign cabinets cannot be baffled Irish land? (Cheers.) If you had found opposed to you a party the pension to Lord Keane, but, failing the East India Comagitators may be put down, Popish multitudes dispersed, the base enough to take up the cause of the Chartists against pany. Lord Keane should not be a loser. The hon. member victory of faction achieved, and the verdicts of martial juries you, and insist upon their large demands, and talk about for Kilkenny had said nothing against the services of Lord obtained amidst the shouts of inflamed Orangemen, whilst foreign clouds and warlike dangers, what would have been Keane when the peerage was proposed, and it was only when from the towers of Dublin castle their ensanguined banners your position? He called upon Lord John Russell to make the pension was to he added, that he had attempted to diswave. (Continued cheering.) some public statements of his opinions, for the sake of stil parage them.-Mr HOGG defended the course pursued by ling the excitement which this dangerous precedent was sure the East India Company. He thought it was more the duty to arouse; and he reminded the noble lord of his many former of the country generally than the East India Company to comdeclarations against constitutional changes. They were pensate Lord Keane, as the national interests had been most manly declarations (cheers); perhaps he had been driven benefited by his services.-Sir R. INGLIS and Sir C. BURfrom them by a pressure of his partisans endangering his RELL supported the clause.-Mr MUNTZ would support government. The Surrey election, by proving the country's the amendment, because he thought it the best thing he could The adjourned debate was resumed by Mr M. GASKELL, opinion of the ministry, might have forced him to fall back do under the circumstances.-The committee then divided, who condemned the disloyal strain of those who excited the upon his uneasy allies. But it would detract a little from when there appeared for the clause, 177; for the amend Irish with arguments of foreign pressure, but rejoiced that his satis'action in his small majority, that he had departed ment, 74. the ministers had been compelled to take at least an open from the high position in which he had been enabled course, and unfurl their standard.-Mr V. STUART insisted for a time to stem the tide of revolution. (Cheers.) on the necessity of defining the franchise.-Col. CONOLLY Lord J. RUSSELL, began by imputing to the Tory government opposed the bill, as tending to increase agitation. Mr which carried the catholic relief bill a concession to that HOWARD (Cumberland) supported the bill, as calculated to very apprehension of popular outbreak, which Sir R. Peel remove existing abuses. Mr LASCELLES remarked that had now reproached the present ministers for giving way to, nobody had yet been found to defend the 54. franchise.-Mr (Cheers.) If there was any breach of faith towards the GISBORNE Supported the bill on the ground that the defini- franchise, it was in those who shackled it with so many diffition of the franchise had become indispensable.-Mr CHOL-culties; when the government, constantly twitted with proMONDELEY objected to the measure, as creating a class of tecting the abuses of the registration, found it necessary to voters too dependent to exercise a will of their own. Mr take some measure on that subject, which, on other conM. J. O'CONNOR drew a comparison between the machi-siderations, they would have preferred to postpone, they nery of the two bills, preferring Lord Morpeth's. He de- deemed it indispensable to clear away the great cause of the fended the enlargement of the franchise.-Mr E. TENNENT evil, the ambiguity of the franchise. They had selected the said, he should have preferred even a 54. house rating to a franchise now proposed; consisting of a tenure, which rating like this, which might be eked out from any kind of seemed appropriate to a county right, and a rating, which premises. Mr W. ROCHE supported the measure. He did afforded a measure of real value. It was enough to warrant not agree, however, with those of his friends who believed the second reading of this bill, if gentlemen were prepared that these party considerations would lead the Irish to with- to vote for that principle (hear); the rest was matter of hold their assistance from the defence of the Queen's domi-detail, to be adjusted in the committee. He censured the nions against foreigners. Mr SHAW, although he believed reflections thrown out upon the judges, and regretted that Mr A. SMITH moved for leave to bring in a bill to auLord Morpeth to be "a promising disciple of the move they should be consulted at all upon any political question. thorise municipal corporations in certain cases to raise ment," serving in Ireland under no easy task-master, could If it were determined to throw in false weights, let it not be money for the payment of their debts; but after a few hardly have believed that he would have made a proposition done in the balance of justice. (Cheers.) Lord John then words from Mr Goulburn, the motion was withdrawn. like this, though but a proposition, for no one of the minis- read some county returns to show diminutions in numbers of Col. SIBTHORP gave notice that after Easter he should ters had the least notion of its passing into a law. He electors, and illustrated the fact by reference to the unwil-move for a reduction of the duty on fire insurances.— Adadmitted the evil of discrepancy in the construction of lingness of the landlords to grant leases. Under such a journed. the franchise, but contended that the opinion of the reduction, some restorative measure was necessary. He majority of the judges ought to have been conclusive. had been called on to state his opinions on the subjects of Mr O'CONNELL said, the franchise was the real question repeal and of parliamentary reform. On the subject of ont his bill. "Fight your battle at the registry," said Sir R. repeal, he concurred in Lord Ebrington's recent declarations. Peel. Have your battle-field full of pit-falls," said Lord But the more he disapproved repeal, the more anxious he Stanley. Foreign nations would understand this debate, was that the legislature should not refuse the just claims of its objects, and its consequences. He stood there, proud to the Irish people. On the subject of reform, he adhered to be the stipendiary of the Irish people, who for 40 years had the opinions which he had expressed in his Stroud letter. honoured him with a confidence still increasing. For him. But in the case of a franchise like this, so vague on one conself, he was friendly to English connexion, though not straction, so stringent on the other, and so incapable of any through an united parliament. He adverted to the harsh judicial settlement, he thought that his necessary interlaws of old, under which it was no felony to kill an Irish-ference would be no breach of his faith to the Reform Act. man, and the same price was set on the head of a priest as (Hear). He was not a believer in the theory that the Irish of a wolf. The people would recollect these laws till Eng. would, under exasperation, transfer their allegiance; but it Jand should forget the spirit of them. (Hear.) Throw made much difference in the strength of our negotiations into the cauldron of Irish disaffection this ingredient of with foreign powers, whether we were supposed by them to Lord Stanley's bill in addition to your protestant church, and be an united or a distracted people. (Hear.) He was vou might thank yourselves for what would follow. (Hear.) satisfied that Mr O'Connell was mistaken in supposing the Your clergy came forward to sign requisitions against popu- | English at all disinclined to act justly and kindly their lar rights: was it fitting so to exhibit them as enemies of Irish brethren. This measure was just, and would prevail in the people? Your municipal bill was another insult to the end. (Loud cheers.)-On his sitting down the house Ireland, also understood by the people. A paper had been immediately divided, when there appeared-for the second cited to show an aggregate of 91 000 constituents; but that reading, 299; for Lord Stanley's amendment, 294; majority paper contained multitudes of names which had been regis- for ministers, 5. This was hailed with great cheering, and tered again and again. Mr O'Connell then went at length the house adjourned at three o'clock. into comparison between the Irish and the English proportions of constituency to population, and complained that ouly five members had been added by the reform bill to the representation of Ireland. He denied that this bill would extend the franchise too far. He would gladly give a vote to every man, and in Great Britain too, as well as in Ire- Petitions were presented on the subject of the poor law land. He entered into the question of the beneficial inte- bill, and in favour of Lord Morpeth's Irish registration rest and solvent tenant tests, declaring in favour of the bill. former. But whichever way the balance might incline, it In answer to Mr Hume, Mr Fox MAULE said there was necessary now to determine the doubt. America had would be no objection to lay on the table a return of the been lost by the refusal of enfranchisement; at the same expenses named in the trial of the Earl of Cardigan. Intime Ireland was retained by the commencement of it. As deed, it had been already moved for in the other house. the war of the French revolution advanced, the allegiance In answer to Mr Bell, Mr LABOUCHERE said he would of the Roman catholics was preserved to England by the merely go into committee on the railways bill, pro forma, as horror of the priests against the infidelity of France. he had some alterations to propose in the leading clauses. (Hear.) He would caution England now against the danMr Fox MAULE said the report of the commissioners gers of her armed peace, and of her discussions with Ame- upon the turnpike roads was under the consideration of the rica. If actual war with either state had begun, would government. Lord Stanley presume to bring in such a bill as his? The On the motion of Lord STANLEY, the order of the day Irish people were going steadily on: they would never again for the second reading of the registration of voters (Ireland) break out into rebellion; but they would keep their rights in view. He would never submit to the degradation of having his country an inferior one. If his just claims were refused, the refusal would only increase his power. "Grant this bill," said Mr O'Connell," and you will take away much of my power and influence; I call on you to disarm In answer to Mr Goulburn, Mr Labouchere said it was me by doing justice to my country." (Loud cheers.)-Sir his intention to introduce clauses in the rum duties bill, to R. PEEL began by reprobating the feelings with which supply the mode of collecting the revenue, and to prevent Mr O'Connell had gloated over the old animosities between fraud. England and Ireland. It was a libel on the Irish people to ANNUITY TO LORD KEANE.-The house then went say that they would not join England against a foreign enemy. into committee on the bill for granting an annuity to Lord All the recent military demonstrations have been an(Hear.) He hoped that Messrs Macaulay, Sheil, and Buller, Keane. Mr EWART moved an amendment to limit the nulled, and the Government has directed its attention to who had held the language of menace, were prepared to take pension of 2,000 per annum to Lord Keane during his the measure, which has long been a favourite one, of distheir course, when, in the next session, Mr O'Connell should life-time. He objected to the house granting to two of make still further demands as the price of peace. The real the descendants of Lord Keane enough to make them idle solving the National Guard, and re-constructing it on the object of the present measure was to subvert the old and they would be dependents for two generations, and pau- principle of the old militia. A bill to that effect was substitute a new representation. He wished for a test which pers ever after. He preferred the grant of a large sum at brought into the Chamber on the 13th inst. would exclude the present difficulties; but he would not once to Lord Keane, to the proposition contained in the bill. agree to continue a system of approved abuses till a new test-Captain HAMILTON did not question the right of the Ministers had no right to tack to the government to create peers, but he doubted the policy of could be agreed on. remedy a condition which must defeat it. By that condition applying to parliament for a grant at the same time-it the county franchise was thrown open to persons possessing would lead the people out of doors to suppose that the not an atom of property. It was a fraud on the compact creation of peers, and the grant of pensions went hand in "The undersigned Plenipotentiaries of Austria, Great made at the time of the reform bill-a compact which, on hand.-Sir JOHN HOBHOUSE referred to the pensions Britain, Prussia and Russia, have maturely considered the the ground of its continuing obligation, Lord J. Russell him- which had been granted for distinguished services to Lords despatch of Reschid Pacha, dated December the 8th, from self had, so lately as 1837, refused to disturb. It was a Beresford, Combermere, Hill, Lynedoch, and Seaton. In- Constantinople, stating that his Highness the Sultan hesi frand on the arrangement for Roman Catholic emancipation, stead of making an unusual demand upon the house, they tates to grant to Mehemet Ali the hereditary government of whereof one of the conditions was, that the county voters were but complying with the usual custom, and the sum the pachalic of Egypt.. The undersigned permit should, if possible, be rendered an independent body. On demanded for Lord Keane was unusually small. Mr HUME themselves to hope that the councils that must have been the other hand, he himself should regret to see any diminution understood that the East India Company has offered to pay given by the four representatives may have had a marked of the constituency below the intent of the reform act. This the pension, but the government had requested that the influence on the views, and removed the uncertainty, which new leasehold contrivance would be wholly defeated, should people of England might be allowed to pay it. Now the Reschid Pacha describes as prevailing in the sentiments of there be a reluctance either of landlords to grant, or of East India Company had received almost all the benefit of the Sublime Porte. In order, however, to remove this unVenants to take, these leases. The 40s. franchise had been the noble lord's services, and were therefore the best on- certainty altogether, the Four Powers deem it best to lose abolished, not by the wishes of the government, which passed tiled to pay the money. The great merit of Lord Keane was no time, and not await any further communications from Friday, February 26. The Great North of England railway bill, the Severn|navigation bill, the Blackburn small debts, and some other private bills, were read a second time. bill was read and postponed till Monday. The noble lord The county courts bill was, on the motion of Mr Fox The Moniteur formally contradicts a report that Ministers would connive at an alteration of the Fortifications Bill in the Chamber of Peers which would reduce the contemplated works to the forts detachés only. This assurance, which proved that the bill would pass, an article in the Courrier Français, demonstrating the rapid dimi nution of bullion in the Bank of France, and the alarming view taken by the Constitutionnel of the financial state of the country, caused a fall in the funds on Wednesday. The Bill for regulating the employment of children in factories passed the Chamber of Peers on Tuesday. The ing the editor of the National. The President, having Chamber assembled on Wednesday, for the purpose of try. read a letter from M. Marie, the lawyer of M. Delaroche, announcing that his client was unable from illness, not only to attend at the bar, but even to communicate with his counsel, proposed to grant him a new delay of ten days, which was agreed to. BELGIUM. We are here on the eve of a Ministerial crisis. The Catholic opposition in the Chamber of Representatives becoming more and more hostile to the Liberal party, the position of the Lebeau-Rogier Ministry is no longer tenable, and it is probable that one of the next votes of that assembly will oblige the Cabinet to retire. Public opinion here points at the Count de Meulenaere and the Chevalier de Theux as being about to be charged with the orga. risation of a new Ministry. SPAIN. The Madrid Gazette publishes the electoral returns of Avila, Palencia, Salamanca, and Valladolid, in which are mentioned, amongst a number of unknown names, those of Messrs Mendizabal, Antonio de Solis, Las Navas, De Onis, Rodil, Gonzales Alonso. The three first deputies were returned by immense majorities-namely, General Espartero, who obtained 11,079 votes; M. Antonio Gonzales, 10,954; and M. Joaquin Maria Lopez, 10,796. The others had from 7,000 10 8,000 suffrages. The electoral returns continued to be favourable to the Regency. In the colleges of Andalusia the attendance of electors had been numerous, and the Liberal candidates obtained a considerable majority. PORTUGAL. TURKEY AND EGYPT. " Constantinople, and to express fully the views of their re-advantage here. (Hear.)-Mr EASTHOPE, M.P., said liament. Sir Alexander has since made his excuses to spective courts, as had been already communicated by word he felt it his duty to come there and vote against Mr the complainants, and has promised to vote against the of mouth. Their view is to invite the Sultan to employ mild- Tooke. Mr STEPHENS asked if there were not some of third reading of the bill, unless it be materially altered. ness and magnanimity, and not only to recall the act of Me Mr Tooke's friends in attendance who could give an ex- "PATTING ON THE BACK."-We believe the Tories hemet's deposition, but promise him that his descendants in planation respecting recent proceedings, or whether Mr have learnt many salutary lessons in opposition; and that direct line shall be named to the post of Pacha of Egypt, as Tooke himself could not furnish some answer to them? now we should have the advantage of some of them, should often as the death of the Pacha leaves a vacancy. In asking the Porte to show this favour to Mehemet, the Four Powers (Hear, hear.)-No reply was made. The ballot drew to they now assume the reins of government. They know do not put forth any new idea, but merely repeat the views a close, and at half-past four it was stated that the officers they have no chance of existing but by conceding useful entertained by the Sultan himself at the commencement of elected were-President of the Council, Lord Brougham; and practical measures, and by outbidding the Whigs for the Eastern crisis-views which served as the basis for the Vice-President, the Duke of Somerset; Members of the popular favour. Sir Robert Peel is said to insist on having convention of the 15th of July. In giving this counsel, the Council, John P. Heywood, Esq., G. G. de H. Larpent, carte blanche from his party on the question of Corn Four Powers are persuaded that they recommend nothing Esq., Samuel J. Lloyd, Esq., Andrew Lynch, Esq., M.P., Laws; and the Tories generally talk loudly of what they contrary to the sovereignty or lawful authority of the Edward Strutt, Esq., M.P., Henry Waymouth, Esq. will do for Commercial Reform. Let them try if they Sultan, or what would impede the duties which the The treasureship: The numbers were-For Mr Tooke, give us good measures, welcome: if not, the old war cry Pacha ought to fulfil as a subject of the Sultan, called 91; Mr John Taylor, 89. Majority for Mr Tooke, 2. will not be long in rising, of " Down with the Tories!". by him to govern a province of the Ottoman empire. This is not only established by the 3d, 5th, and 6th articles [It has been remarked that, the sole point for discussion At all events, the Liberals are certain again to grow strong, *f the act, separately attached to the Convention of July 15, being the election or rejection of Mr Tooke, he selected and become a united body, in the healthy atmosphere of but also by the instruction addressed by the Four Powers to his proposer to fill the chair-that he himself was present, Opposition.-Leeds Times. [Opposition, having made their envoys. By paragraph 5th of the above act it was affecting to laugh throughout the proceedings-that he the Tories "healthy and strong," is, it seems, to work the established that all conventions or laws then in force, or to selected the scrutineers, against whom the meeting suc- same benefit to the Liberals. Nothing so good as Opbe in force throughout the empire, should be in force in the cessfully protested; and was also the party to request position! Some Radicals are exceedingly disposed to pachalic of Egypt, as well as in other provinces. This conmore than one gentleman to take the chair vacated by Mr love their enemies;" and all who love them should dition, which the Four Courts consider indispensably neces sary, creates, in their eyes, the fastest bond to tie Egypt his brother and his own son being present at the meeting.] alluded to. If Opposition be so excellent in giving strength Warburton. His majority was two in a meeting of 180-surely wish them to remain in the healthy atmosphere to Turkey and the Ottoman empire. Paragraph 6 establishes, that the sea and land forces of Egypt must be fully available and union, it would be good for either party to stay in it for the service of the empire. Lastly, it was established in continually. But since it is certain that the Tories would the conclusions of the 15th of October, in London, and the outbid the Whigs for popular favour in office, how cornes instructions of the 14th of November, flowing from them, it that they do not outbid them for popular favour in Opthat if Mehemet Ali or his successor should break through position!] the condition on which the hereditary government of Egypt was confided to him, his title might be revoked. "The undersigned believe that the full accomplishment well as of the Four Courts, and attain the great aim of pacification meditated by the convention of July 15. The Sultan was henceforth certain of the obedience of his Pacha; the population of the province was secured against the misgovernment of the last years, and Mehemet Ali and his family had their future position guaranteed without breaking through his dependence on the Porte. of these conditions must meet the wishes of the Sultan, as « ESTERHAZY, "PALMERSTON, "BULOW, "BRUNOW. "London, Jan. 30, 1841." LONDON UNIVERSITY. POLITICAL. ELECTIONS. THE ANTI-PEEL PAMPHLET.-A "Conservative Member" has issued a pamphlet, and circulated it at a cheap rate through the country, with the view of settling the question, "Who is to lead us, Stanley or Peel?" Stanley is cried up, aud Peel cried down. We have no space for the eulogies lavished upon the one, but of the bitter abuse with which the other is assailed, a few sentences may serve as specimens. The "Conservative Member" endeavours to explain why Sir R. Peel is not a favourite of the Tory aristocracy: KING'S COUNTY.-The election of a member for this county was commenced amidst the greatest enthusiasm amongst Mr Armstrong's friends; but we regret to say that a violent attack was made upon Mr Manifold (agent to Mr Bernard), lis carriage was broken to pieces, himself severely injured, and one of the Inniskilling Dragoons, who had been at the time escorting a batch of voters into town, had his eye literally knocked out by a blow of a stone. The mob were excited to the last degree of violence, not, however, arising from intoxication, for there was not a single individual seen drunk, or in the "Friends who will stand by you-men who know you and least affected by liquor. Reports were circulated to the can repose in you-you have none such! Your cold cha effect that a voter in the interest of Mr Armstrong had racter freezes them down your formal reserve forbids their been shot by some of the friends of the opposite candidate. approach; your very countenance is a standing bar to anyAn objection was raised to the eligibility of Mr Armstrong, thing like familiarity. And yet you can put on a smile, when on the ground that he holds a pension from the Crown it suits your purpose-but such a smile! far-fetched, but not granted to him on his retirement or removal from the from the depths of the heart, it plays over your sly features, office of receiver general in the Stamp office about the and then it goes back whence it came, to nothing! I, for my served upon the voters; but it is stated to be a ruse, and which bind and keep a political party together; cold and reour party, when I see you to be deficient in all these qualities Mr Armstrong himself has solemnly and publicly dis-served, without that great power of mind which is usually avowed holding any pension or superannuation allowance found in such men; clear and eloquent, but without that from the government. follows :-The poll closed, February 24, as warmth of feeling and impulse which generally characterises Armstrong, 439; Bernard, 219. Majority, the orator; staid and moral, yet without that brightness of principle which always accompanies a good and honest CANTERBURY PETITION.-The Canterbury Election heart." Petition, withdrawn on Wednesday, was only the first of two presented. The second petition is duly proceeding with, and will bring home, it is said, the grossest corruption and bribery. The annual meeting of the council and proprietors of the University College, London, was held on Wednesday, year 1822 or 1823, and notices to this effect are now being part, do not wonder at your rickety position as the leader of the for the purpose of electing a president, vice-president, 220. THE ABSENTEES. The following members (13) were absent without pairs from the division on Lord Morpeth's motion: Burroughes, R. N. Lowther, Lord (abroad.) Moreton, Hon. A. Tomline, George (cannot vote.) He is warned that the church hates him, and that neither clergy nor laity has any confidence in him. But, it will be said, how can you say that our party has no confidence in Peel, when he is our acknowledged leader; when his health is drunk as such at all our festivals; when dinners are given to him expressly in that capacity by the Conservative members of the House of Commons! Ah! my friends, al is hollow! That great dinner which was given to Sir Robert Peel in the city last year, with Lord Chandos in the chair, was given to him because we suspected him, and wished to nail him to our mast, and so to fix him by making him speak out! It was at a time when there were rumours of a coalition, and it was thought that Peel might be induced to waver and compromise as he had done before.” THE DUBLIN CORPORATION AND THE RECORDER. No OFFENCE. The member for Dublin excited much-The common council of the corporation of Dublin laughter by apologising to Mr Sheil for calling him an Englishman. "The right hon. Vice-president of the Board of Trade had given them sufficiently distinct hints already, and he was an Englishman-he meant an Irishnan; he begged his pardon." TORY LEANINGS.-The same speaker, correcting a misrepresentation in reference to his refusal of the office of Chief Baron, remarked, that so far from having intimated a distrust that he should exhibit a partiality towards persons who were of his own opinions, he had feared lest his desire to be impartial might lead him to lean rather in favour of those from whom he differed. "The noble lord opposite would have no such refusals, if he came into office." THE TORY STANDARD BEARER.-The noble lord (Stanley), said Lord Morpeth, is tired of inaction "No joys to him pacific sceptres yield, War sounds the trump; he rushes to the field." unanimously passed a resolution of censure and condemna- - Roscommon county meets. The counties of Waterford and Wexford are to assemble early next week. All through the country the towns and parishes are in motion, in support of Lord Morpeth's bill. Lord Stanley has once more succeeded in rendering Ireland a scene of energetic and simultaneous agitation. LAWYERS.-Mr Sheil, referring on Wednesday night to Sir William Follett's manner of quietly expounding the expediency of sweeping away half the constituency of Ireland, and maintaining the necessity of unanimity on the legal bench, said he was reminded of what Lord Chatham said in reply to Lord Mansfield, when that mellifluous pleader, with professional plausibility, was endeavouring to seduce his hearers into an abandonment of the rights of the people. "Strike the constitution to the centre, and the lawyer will remain composed in his closet; but touch cobweb in Westminster Hall, and the startled spiders will crawl out of their hiding-places.' a STANLEY A REPEALER.-Mr O'Connell, contending ANTI-CORN-LAW MEETING -A meeting of great that the enemies of Ireland are the real Repealers, said importance, connected with the question of the repeal of he had been requested to enrol the noble lord (Stanley) as the Corn-laws, took place at the Court-house, at Stocka member of the Repeal Association, and most assuredly port. It was called in pursuance of a resolution passed if he had not thought, that by doing so he would have by the Council of the Anti-Corn-law League for cominubeen mixing up too much of the ludicrous in so grave a nicating with the various constituencies of the kingmatter, that noble lord would have been proposed by him dom, with a view to promote the return of Members as an honorary member. pledged to the abolition of the Corn-laws. The meeting DUBLIN PETITION.-In the House of Commons, on was attended by a great number of deputies from different Tuesday, Viscount Morpeth entered, carrying with some parts of the kingdom, and by a considerable number of difficulty a huge roll of parchment, which, as it was im- merchants from Manchester, Liverpool, and the surround mediately supposed to be a petition in support of his ing districts of Ashton, Bolton, Blackburn, Hyde, &c. lordship's Registration Bill, was on its appearance greeted The Court house was completely crowded. with loud cheers by his friends. His lordship was imme-was addressed by a number of able speakers, who urged diately afterwards called upon, and presented the petition, the hardship and injustice imposed upon the manufacturing which was one emanating from a public meeting held at interests to benefit the landowners. The following resoDublin, and had been signed by 225,830 persons. lution contains the spirit of the sentiments that pervaded THE HUSTINGS AND THE HOUSE.-A meeting of the meeting: That in the opinion of this meeting the Sir Alexander Grant's constituents was held at Cambrid, e corn and provision laws are based on injustice; they conlast week, to take into consideration the hon. gentleman's fer fleeting advantages on one class of the community, at conduct in voting for the second reading of the New Poor the expense of all other classes; they are at variance with Law," such vote being given contrary to the promise Scripture, with every sound principle of political economy, made on his canvass to represent this borough in Par- and every maxim of wise legislation; and this meeting of The meeting |