observation I made respecting the use of this article in the fisheries. Can they suffer more under the policy of the United States than they are subjected to by the State of Massachusetts? The hardships which our regulations expose them to are not greater than those of every other part of the continent. [H. OF R. be taxed otherwise than all others; in Pennsylvania, considerable quantities of molasses are used; though perhaps not quite as much as to the northward, so that the objection of inequality does not lie to such an extent as has been mentioned. Gentlemen say molasses is a necessary of life, and infer from thence that it ought not to be Another argument was used to show, that the taxed. If we are not to lay the impost on arState of Massachusetts did not contribute in ticles in common use, I fear we shall obtain but proportion to other States. It was stated, that little revenue. It is said the fisheries will be where the produce was small, the exports and ruined, because each fisherman consumes twelve imports were in the same proportion. Compare gallons annually. Suppose there are eight men the imports of Massachusetts with those of Vir- to each of the 480 vessels employed in this busiginia, and you will find they do not exceed one-ness, who use molasses at this rate, what will the third of what the latter amounts to; then, of whole amount to? $2,800! And are gentlemen consequence, under a system of impost, they do serious when they assert this will ruin our comnot pay in proportion either to their population merce and navigation? It is a tax of not quite or representation. The Southern States import three-quarters of a dollar per man. Is it to be many articles which the Eastern States do not; imagined any one's proportion can be less, and many things which are necessary to the poor; and provide for the wants of Government. why may we not, with equal justice, color our reasoning with a description of our sufferings? May not public exclamations be excited, and the children, for want of clothes, be taught to breathe a vindictive spirit? But let me ask gentlemen, why these apprehensions for one part of the Union more than the other? Are the Northern people made of finer clay? Do they respire a clearer air? Do their breasts burn with a more generous ardor for their rights as men, or for their country's happiness and glory? Are they the chosen few? Are all others to be oppressed with accumulated burdens, and they to take their course easy and unrestrained? No; I trust the General Government will equally affect all; it was instituted for the protection of all, and it is expected it will accomplish the end for which it was established. But this can only be done by acts of justice and impartiality, and on this ground I leave the decision to the House. Mr. FITZSIMONS.-I beg leave to trouble the committee with an observation or two before the question is decided. It has been said by the gentleman from Massachusetts, that there are 3,000,000 gallons of molasses imported into that State; if so, there is at least 1,000,000 gallons of rum exported, and certainly the gentlemen do not contend that they pay the duty on the rum consumed abroad. The price of molasses is about twenty-ninetieths of a dollar, the duty is about five, and the expense of the distillation may be six more, in all thirty-one ninetieths, or two shillings and seven pence. Other rum usually costs about three shillings, or three shillings and six pence, to which add one shilling duty, it will bring it, to the consumer, to near four shillings and six pence. A gallon of New England rum can be afforded for almost one-half of the price of West India, and will gentlemen tell us, that this regulation will destroy their distilleries and fisheries? But it will affect the manufacture in other States as well as Massachusetts. The business is carried on to a considerable extent both in New York and Philadelphia, and it is my opinion the duty could be well collected, at least at the latter. Nor are the poor inhabitants of Massachusetts to Mr. GOODHUE.-It has been mentioned, Mr. SPEAKER, that Massachusetts does not import one-third part of the amount which Virginia does. But the gentleman did not offer to prove this, so that I take it to be a mere matter of opinion; for my part, I think she imports equally as much. It was said that two gallons of country rum will cost no more than one of West India. A gallon of molasses is worth a quarter of a dollar before it is distilled; West India rum about two pistareens; molasses was purchased for much less before the war, while the fish and lumber we gave in exchange is fallen, so that the trade is hardly worth carrying on. I take it, Mr. SPEAKER, that we are in an error. They who contend for a high duty have nothing but taxing rum in view, and we want them to consider it as a necessary of life. Certainly the two objects have no kind of connexion. If we lay a moderate duty on the fish, and an excise upon the latter, we shall both have our desires accomplished. We ought to use a considerable share of circumspection in this business, and not give any just cause of uneasiness, especially at the commencement of the Government. Though I do not pretend to say that Massachusetts will not be as quiescent and obedient to our laws as any State in the Union, yet the people will consider a high duty on molasses as injurious to their interests in the fisheries and navigation, and contrary to wisdom and those principles of justice and policy, which they expect govern the present Legislature. We ought to draw our lesson from experience. You have heard that Great Britain, with all her power, was unable to obtain a duty of three pence a gallon; learn wisdom from her; she reduced it to one penny, and succeeded in the collection. The defiance of her laws was in consequenee of the measure running counter to the sentiments of the people. Mr. AMES said, he should be sorry if he had made use of any language to injure any gentleman's feelings. He did not mean to infer that the people of Massachusetts possessed any excellence over their Southern brethren; far from it. He was satisfied that their hearts beat with equal warmth, and their minds contemplated with equal precision; he believed that the most cordial regard subsisted on the part of the citizens of Massachusetts toward their fellow-citizens in other States; he therefore hoped that nothing local would be attributed to him on the occasion. Was the language of gentlemen to be, let us lay a poll-tax of three-fourths of a dollar on the fishermen, I ask, would the House sit quiet even to hear the proposition? It is not because a tax is light that it is proper. It is supposed that the fishermen must be poor if they are not able to pay this. I contend they are very poor, they are in a sinking state, they carry on their business in despair; but gentlemen will ask us, why then do they not quit the profession? I answer, in the words that are often used in the Eastern country respecting the inhabitants of Cape Cod, they are too poor to live there, and they are too poor to remove. With respect to our distilleries, the gentleman assumes as a fact they have not declined; but the contrary is true-there is not more than three-fourths of the business done now that used to be, beside the quantity is not only lessened, but the profit on what is sold is also less. Those nations that used to supply us with the raw material are becoming our rivals; even our home market is not secured to us. [APRIL, 1789. was also mentioned, that a large quantity of the article was used by the poor of the seaports; a high duty must necessarily raise the price or lessen the consumption, in which case it will be an additional discouragement to the trade. If the price is raised, the distiller must likewise increase his capital or manufacture less; if so, the demand is again decreased. If it is necessary to destroy the manufacture on account of the injury it does to the morals of the people, the proprietors ought to be indemnified. But if rum is still to be used among us, let us give a preference to our own manufacture. By discouraging the molasses trade, you lessen the demand for fish, which are exported to be exchanged for that article. It has been said, that a fisherman uses but twelve gallons. I include his family, and make it thirty; for this he has to pay two dollars annually. Is not this a burden? Gentlemen must own it is. riod before the Revolution, when the manufacture The gentleman from Virginia refers us to a peGreat Britain was at that time in the zenith of supported itself under a duty. The kingdom of her power; she had her board of commerce, her vessels of war, and bodies of troops to support the measure; she sent over an army before she gave it up; at last she was compelled to reduce it. But Gentlemen who contend for the encouragement its measures in this way. The Parliament had do gentlemen mean to engage Congress to support of agriculture, should recollect that nature has denied us fertility, but she has placed along our New England colonies to interfere with the busian object to contend for; they did not like their shores an inexhaustible store. To labor on our ness of their West India islands; they wished toland seems to be exerting ourselves against nature; our industry is therefore directed to a more tally to destroy our distilleries, but could not sueproductive business, and ought not this to be en-kind; then shall we give chagrin to those people ceed. This Government has no object of this titled to equal encouragement with any other. A tax upon molasses has been sufficiently demonstrated to be a tax upon the fisheries; and will gentlemen continue this burden upon Massachusetts alone, when she pays her full proportion on all other articles, according to her abilities to consume them? Oppression will lead to smuggling, and when once a system of this kind is formed, the persons engaged in it will not stop at molasses alone, they will include every other article in an illicit trade, so that it is impossible to know the extent of the evil, or provide a remedy. If these facts and arguments are sufficient to produce doubts in gentlemen's minds, they will hesitate in concurring with the committee in this article of the report; for, in cases of uncertainty, I take it to be the wisest way not to proceed in a dubious track. Mr. GERRY.-After what I said yesterday on this subject, it cannot be necessary for me to go again fully into the argument; what I then advanced has been answered in few cases. I mentioned the difficulties to which a merchant would be subjected who would have to advance the duties; he must sell to a loss, or have a large capital for the purpose; no argument has been urged to show an impropriety in this reasoning. A cargo and outfits of a vessel worth £1000, lawful money, would bring in return 22,000 gallons of molasses; this, as I said yesterday, will pay £396, a duty of near forty per cent. upon the cargo. It of whom we exact support? Are we not putting to hazard the affections of the numerous citizens concerned in this business, who have been the warm advocates of the Constitution from an expectation of benefit to their particular interests? And this for the sake of a measure that must defeat itself. The duty will exceed the risk of smuggling; the latter, perhaps, not being more than five per cent., the former forty per cent., on the value of the article. If, therefore, we lay an excise upon the rum, and a small duty on molasses, we shall prevent the necessity of a clandestine trade, obtain a greater revenue, and avoid those injuries which are so justly apprehended to extend to our fisheries and navigation. Mr. JACKSON.-I have attended through the whole of this debate, but have been unable to discover any new light reflected on the subject. I do not mean to trespass upon the patience of the committee but for a moment. The gentlemen from Massachusetts tell us that fish is an article of their trade, and they sell it for molasses; but if a duty is imposed upon molasses, the business is ruined. Let me ask them, are there not other articles of trade of great moment to the southward? What is to become of the lumber of Georgia? We are obliged to take rum in the West Indies in exchange for our lumber, upon which we pay fifteen cents a gallon duty. The gentlemen are not for reducing this; so I hope they will admit their arguments on this point to be obviated. One gentlemen has thrown out a remark respecting the slaves in the Southern States. I know the subject is not before the House; but I beg just to observe, that however slavery may be condemned in the Eastern States, it is impracticable to cultivate the Southern country without their assistance. [H. OF R. quisite for the present year, and of the net pro- "In Senate, April 27. "Resolved, That after the oath shall have been administered to the President, he, attended by the Vice The question on striking out six cents was deter-President, and the members of the Senate and House mined in the negative. Mr. FITZSIMONS revived his motion which was lost in the committee, that a drawback of three cents per gallon be allowed on all rum distilled in the United States, and which shall be exported without the limits thereof. This was agreed to. On motion of Mr. MADISON, the clauses of the report respecting the duty to be laid on tonnage, was postponed. And then the House appointed a committee to bring in a bill or bills, pursuant to the report as adopted. WEDNESDAY, April 29. The petitions of the citizens of New Jersey, whose names are thereunto subscribed, complaining of the illegality of the election of Representatives to Congress for that State, as referred to in Mr. Ogden's letter of yesterday, were read: Whereupon, of Representatives proceed to St. Paul's Chapel to hear divine service, to be performed by the Chaplains to Congress already appointed:" Whereupon, Resolved, That this House doth concur with the Senate in the said resolution; amended to read as follo eth, to wit: "That after the oath shall have been administered to the President, the Vice President and members of the Senate, the Speaker and members of the House of Representatives will accompany him to St. Paul's Chapel to hear divine service performed by the Chaplains of Congress. Ordered, That the Clerk of this House do carry the said resolution to the Senate, and desire their concurrence.-Adjourned. THURSDAY, April 30. JONATHAN GROUT, from Massachusetts, appeared and took his seat. This being the day on which the President of Ordered, That the said petitions be referred to the United States was inaugurated no other busithe Committee of Elections, and that it be an in-ness, of course, was attended to. The President's struction to the said committee, to report a proper Address to both Houses appears in the proceedings mode of investigation and decision thereupon. of the Senate, page 27. The House proceeded to consider the report from the committee of elections, (which lay on the table) on the petition of David Ramsay of the State of South Carolina, suggesting that William Smith returned a member of this House as elected within that State, was, at the time of his election, ineligible; and the said report being amended to read as followeth : FRIDAY, May 1. The SPEAKER laid before the House a copy of the Speech of the President of the United States, to both Houses of Congress, delivered yesterday in the Senate Chamber, immediately after his inauguration, which being read, On motion, Resolved, That the said Speech be committed to a Committee of the whole House. The House accordingly resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, Mr. PAGE in the Chair. And after adopting the following resolution, the committee rose, and reported it to the House, which agreed to it. "That in this case it will be sufficient in the first instance, that a committee take such proofs as can be obtained in this city respecting the facts stated in the petition, and report the same to the House. That Mr. Smith be permitted to be present from time to time when such proofs are taken, to examine the witnesses, and to offer counter proofs, which shall also be received by the committee, and reported to the House-That if the proofs so to be reported shall be declared by the Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee, House insufficient to verify the material facts stated in that an Address to the President ought to be prepared, the petition, or such other facts as the House shall deem expressing the congratulations of the House of Repreproper to he inquired into, it will then be necessary for sentatives, on the distinguished proof given him of the the House to direct a further inquiry, and especially the affection and confidence of his fellow citizens, by the procuring whatever additional testimony may be sup- unanimous suffrage which has appointed him to the posed to be in South Carolina, as the case may require high station which he fills; the approbation felt by the -That all questions arising on the proofs be decided House of the patriotic sentiments and enlightened poby the House without any previous opinion thereon re-licy recommended by his Speech; and assuring him of ported by a committee. "Resolved, That this House doth agree to the said report, and that it be an instruction to the Committee of Elections to proceed accordingly." On motion, Ordered, That a committee be appointed to prepare and report an estimate of the supplies re their disposition to concur in giving effect to every measure which may tend to secure the liberties, promote the harmony, and advance the happiness and prosperity of their country. Ordered, That a committee to consist of five members be appointed to prepare an Address pursuant to the said resolution. The members efect ed are Messrs. MADISON, CLYMER, SHERMAN, GALE, and BENSON. A motion was made that the House do come to the following resolution: Resolved, That per annum, be the compensation to be allowed to the President of the United States, during the term for which he is to be elected. The said resolution being read, was committed to a Committee of the Whole House. The House then proceeded by ballot to the appointment of a Chaplain to Congress on the part of this House. Upon examining the ballots, it appeared that the Rev. WILLIAM LINN was elected. SAMUEL LIVERMORE, from New Hampshire, appeared and took his seat. MONDAY, May 4. DUTIES ON TONNAGE. [May, 1789. On motion of Mr. GOODHUE, the House re sumed the consideration of the report of the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. The clauses relative to the tonnage of vessels, discriminating between foreign nations in alliance and not in alliance with the United States, being under consideration, Mr. LAWRENCE moved to strike out the dis crimination, conceiving that, in the present sitmtion of our country, we ought to be cautious not to express satisfaction or dissatisfaction with respect to the conduct of foreigners; so far as is prudent and right, we ought to preserve an exact neutrality, and act according as circumstances exist. It will be necessary, said he, to consider this subject in two points of view; first, as it respects the necessity of our employing foreignMr. SMITH presented a petition from the ship-ers; and, secondly, how far a regulation that is wrights of the town of Baltimore, praying the intended to meet the conduct of those nations not attention of Congress to the increase of Ameri- in alliance with us is proper on our part, and what can shipping and tonnage, and the passage of a effects will probably flow from the discrimination suitable navigation act for its encouragement. in this particular. It was stated, when this subReferred to the Committee of the Whole on the ject was under consideration before, that the state of the Union. United States had not a sufficient quantity of tonnage to transport its produce. It was said, by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, that its aggre gate was but one-third of the tonnage employed for this purpose, if so we are indebted to foreigners for the other two-thirds. Four other petitions were presented. Mr. FITZSIMONS.-I think the gentleman has misunderstood me. I believe I said, and the fact is, that near two-thirds of the tonnage is our own, and but one-third foreign. A petition of Alexander Lewis, of the State of Pennsylvania, was presented to the House, and read, setting forth that he hath discovered and constructed an easy and expeditious method of impelling boats of twenty-five tons burden and under, through the water, against any current or stream however rapid; as also an easy method of raising a sufficient quantity of water twenty feet in height, to turn any mill; and praying that an Mr. LAWRENCE.-I understood him, as I stated act may pass to secure to him, his heirs, &c., for it, that two-thirds belonged to foreigners; howthe term of twenty-one years, an exclusive right ever, the greater part of this foreign tonnage is of constructing boats upon his model, in the Uni-owned in Great Britain. Being indebted to for ted States. Also, a petition of Andrew Newell and Seth Clark, of the State of Massachusetts, praying that the proper officer may be authorized to receive and examine their accounts as assistant-commissaries of issues, the lapse of time limited for that purpose by the late Congress notwithstanding. Also, a petition of Sarah Parker, of the State of Massachusetts, praying that some relief may be granted for the support of herself and a large family of children, being the widow and orphans of Lieutenant Colonel Moses Parker, who was wounded and made prisoner by the British troops in the battle of Charlestown, on the 17th of June, 1775, and was afterwards confined in the jail of Boston, and there died of his wounds in the month of July following. eigners for their vessels, I ask, is it proper to give a bounty to some of them, especially as it operates as a duty upon the articles exported? Why make the discrimination? It is said we should enable those nations, with whom we have commercial treaties, to participate more largely of our trade; but at present they do not supply us with ships for the purpose of carrying it on. If we cannot get vessels from these favored nations, we must have them from others, or, the alternative is, we must keep our produce to perish in our hands. If the vessels are indispensably necessary, the very circumstance of our wanting them will oblige us to give the freight that is asked. Is it reasonable, when we are under the necessity of having vessels, and are from our circumstances obliged to give foreigners what freight they ask, Also, a petition of Martha Walker, of Boston, to expect our own citizens to let theirs for less in the State of Massachusetts, praying that some than what is paid to foreigners? Then the enrelief may be granted her, as the distressed widow hanced price of freight will be laid on all, whether of Thomas Walker, Esq., late of Boston, who, at foreign or domestic. If I am right in these conthe commencement of the late Revolution, aban-siderations, let me ask gentlemen, will the prodoned a very considerable property in the province of Quebec, and attached himself to the interests and fortunes of the United States. Ordered, That the said petitions do severally lie on the table. duce of the country bear burdens of this nature? Every gentleman will determine for himself. The gentlemen from South Carolina and Virginia will determine whether their valuable and important staples, whether even their rice and tobacco, which have no rivals in the European It is true, Great Britain has not hitherto entered into a commercial treaty with the United States. Perhaps it is not worth the inquiry why this has not been done; but surely if we mean to induce her to form one with us, it is more likely to be brought about by moderation than by a war of commercial regulations. It is well known that that Power stands high in the opinion of all nations; its character for riches and power is justly great; its commercial importance is well known to us. Hence we have but little to expect by a commercial warfare, nor can it be necessary, when the object we aim at can be obtained in a more eligible manner. At least, had we not better try the effect of moderation? It is certainly the advice of prudence to do so; if we find this [H. OF R. mean to be unsuccessful, we can certainly apply the other. We always have it in our power, and after being disappointed in temperate measures, we can urge the other more properly. If we make them our friends, it may be advantageous to us; if they become our enemies in commerce, it may have a disagreeable and inconvenient effect. They can restrict us more than we can them; the nation, by being long established, is possessed of capital to bear the loss of a suspension of trade; we are, as it were, the creatures of yesterday, unable to stand such competition, even if we exert ourselves to the utmost. I said before, and repeat it now, that we draw great advantages from our commerce with England, which we run the risk of losing without an object worthy the sacrifice. We are admitted into their ports on terms more favorable than any other nation; articles brought from America do not pay the duty, to which the like are subject from other parts of the globe, which is a source of considerable benefit to our commerce. If my information is right, our vessels are admitted into their ports in the East Indies. This trade is likely to become of the greatest importance to the United States. We not only have vessels that answer for this branch of commerce, but furnish considerable produce for carrying it on. I am told that there are not less than forty-seven vessels, at this time, on voyages to the countries beyond the Cape of Good Hope. This trade may be materially affected by the policy of the British nation, which has an amazing influence in that quarter of the world. I trust, no friend to the navigation of America will pursue measures destructive to this trade; it is the only one to compensate us for the loss of the West India trade, and yet the regulations of Britain may essentially injure us in that quarter. Upon the whole, I would recommend temper and moderation to the House; if they find these will not, or are not sufficient to produce the effect they contemplate, then take the mode now proposed; it can then be done with more propriety than at present. These are the hasty thoughts which have occurred to my mind against the measure; and I beg gentlemen to believe, that I am actuated only by the purest motives for my country's good, in opposing what I consider as prejudicial to her interest. I wish my country to do those actions which I am certain will reflect honor upon her councils, and bring to her sons that happiness which we are bound by duty to labor for. I would not have her, at her entrance into life, show an intemperate disposition, or do any thing which she might have cause to repent of hereafter. Mr. MADISON.-I conceive, Mr. Speaker, that we must consider this as a general question, involving these points: How far it is expedient, at this time, to make a discrimination between foreign nations and the United States, for the purpose of promoting and accelerating the improvement of the American navigation? And how far it is expedient to make such a discrimination between foreigners, as may induce them to permit us to extend our own navigation on principles |