Mr. Adams for it. He had done it all to conciliate these last; but they had made him play their game for their own purposes not for his; they were not gained, and his own friends were alienated. The election followed before a new man could be agreed on, on the part of the federalists; Mr. Adams, again inevitable, was this time beaten, and Mr. Jefferson and his friends came in; and if Mr. Gibbs is to be relied on, Satan came also among them.

"There was established a new order of things, when the unrestrained and ungoverned passions of the mass, breaking through self-imposed restrictions, should make, interpret, and execute the law; when the executive, as leader of the people, should disregard the voice of their representatives, and render nugatory the acts of the tribunals of justice; when party should supersede the idea of country."

It is a little remarkable, that under this new order of things, Wolcott, the amiable and truly honorable man, whose papers have furnished the ground-work of these volumes, passed over to the democratic ranks, and was elected governor of Connecticut by democratic votes, about the time of the last war with England. His example, one would think, would admonish his grandson that party invective, in such general terms as these we have quoted, could not possibly be just; and we counsel Mr. Gibbs, when he resumes his able pen, to acknowledge the faults, and admit the merits, of both parties, as we are ourselves reciprocally willing and desirous to do. We see the faults of Mr. Jefferson's character as plainly as we see those of John Adams; but we are not disposed to turn him over to reprobation in such unmeasured language as has been habitually poured out upon him by the federal press. Let it never be forgotten that he held a high place among the earliest supporters of resistance and revolution; that he took that place when it was a

doubtful and most dangerous position, and when timid, interested and unprincipled men did naturally, and must almust necessarily all turn the other way. He took that place then, actuated by principles and impulses which must have been sincere; and as to his political faith, there is no act of his life that can be quoted against either its sincerity or its consistency. He was, from first to last, a radical democrat and leveller, thoroughgoing, unflinching-and, it must also be admitted, was unscrupulous. He sympathized warmly and deeply with the French revolutionists; and having this sympathy, he never lost sight of it through the worst of their excesses and outrages. He thought, no doubt, and history will sustain the opinion, that the Reign of Terror was better than the Reign of the Bourbons and the old noblesse: the one a fearful but transient fever-the other a chronic, corrupting and consuming cancer. In this sympathy, and in his revolutionary hatred to England, may be found the sufficient motives for Mr. Jefferson's general political course; while by that course itself must be explained the intense aversion he excited in men full of prejudices and passions, equally strong and diametrically opposite. And then he was ambitious, and artificial, and insincere; he managed men by flattery and hollow professions for his own ends, of which John Adams was a conspicuous example. He could countenance and subsidize such base tools as Callender and Paine.In short, the head and front of his offending was a practical adherence to the maxim that all is fair in politics*-a most pernicious maxim certainly; but we cannot agree with Mr. Gibbs that Mr. Jefferson acted on it with ulterior designs to overthrow our liberties or dissolve our social system. He was, no doubt, a heretic in his religion; and for this only, without a single other vice, he might have met in New-England at that time all the condemnation his

worst acts, or any man's worst acts could possibly incur.

Mr. Jefferson was the impersonation and centre of the anti-federal partysuch was their earliest appellation; the party opposed to that Federal Constitution under which, with slight modifications, we have lived happy from those days to these. Opposition to its federal or centralizing principles continued, however, to be the chief rallying ground of that party, down to the eventual dying out of the old party distinctions and names-before the recasting into whigs and democrats in these latter days. On this main ground of difference, experience showed the anti-federalists that their fears were so much exaggerated, that when they obtained power they refrained from changing the Constitution they had denounced thus succeeding in some sort to the opinions as well as the offices of the expelled federalists. With regard to the navy, also, a similar conversion followed; and eventually Gen. Jackson gave sufficient proof that we had abandoned our undue predilection for France. Indeed, for many years, while the names of federalist and anti-federalist continued to be used, the struggle had really become a personal one;-it was an effort to put down certain men and their friends and promote certain others, rather than a contest between the upholders of opposite political creeds. The single question, whether we should or should not make war on England, formed the principal exception to this remark: there was a remnant here of the original grounds of contention between the two parties; but in all else they had become in a great measure alike in all but names.

The democratic party is essentially progressive. It can cast off its errors, and in its nature must do so; it can take up the more correct views of those adversaries that chance to have such, and can act on those views better than those adversaries did, and can thus occupy their places and wield the very weapons of their faith. By a progress of this kind the anti-federalists of '89 are become the democracy of '46; they are not the same in party doctrine, as we have seen, but they are the same in feeling, with doctrines enlightened by experience. By a transmigration equally natural, but not similar, the body of whiggery has entertained the soul of

federalism-not its high soul, but its narrow one, for it had two. There were men in the federal ranks who wished for aristocratic or even arbitrary government here; John Adams repeatedly betrayed such opinions or wishes, in unequivocal language; and others can still be named who shared them. Governeur Morris speaks them out plainly in his correspondence; and even Hamilton is well-known to have desired an Executive and Senate for life, or good behavior, which last qualification is usually practically null.Hamilton, had he lived, would have been capable of modifying his opinions by the lights of future experience; but nothing of this sort would have been expected from the other two we have named. And herein lies now the inherent difference between democrat and whig. Hamilton was for permanent rulers; for a government bank, and a protective tariff-three principles which comport together well, but which, if he had lived till now, we believe he would have abandoned, one and all. Not so the whigs; the reign of Mr. Biddle has made no more impression on their creed than did the Reign of Terror on Mr. Jefferson's. It was Bank once and Bank always; Tariff once and Tariff forever; and, with less boldless in avowing the truth than Adams and Morris exhibited, they cherish under a thin disguise the same old heresy still, that rulers are not appointed to perform duties, but to exercise powers. These three dead weights are tied to their heels-nay, grown to them and become inseparable; and to float these, it is not to be wondered at that they grasp at every cork and straw that the political whirlpool throws up.

It is remarkable that Hamilton places his argument in favor of a protective tariff on grounds entirely different from those occupied by the whigs at present, and on grounds, indeed, they cannot take in this age. He adopted the protection principle in all its length and breadth; he maintained that the General Government had the power to prohibit importations directly, or to prevent them by prohibitory duties; though he did not think such extreme measures necessary.

He admitted that protection would interfere with the natural employments of capital, and drive it from certain employments to certain others, and this, also, he thought gov

analyses, localities, and economical uses of over 150 genera of minerals found in the state. Mr. Mather reports upon the geology of the first geological district, comprising Long Island and the river counties; Dr. Emmons of the second, consisting of the seven northernmost counties; Mr. Vanuxem of the fourteen central counties; and Mr. Hall of the fourth district, embracing all west of Cayuga lake.

Mr. Conrad's report upon the palæontology of New-York will, we have been informed, be ready for distribution in January next, when the work will be finally completed.

Its cost, including the survey, printing, binding, engraving and coloring plates, when finished, has been estimated by a committee of the Senate at $365,590 64; an amount, we are told, far beyond its value. We cannot, of course, say how highly this amount of money is esteemed by those who thus estimate the value of the whole survey. We cannot tell exactly how many mills upon a thousand dollars of the taxable property of New-York this sum would be. But we do say, that the value of such a work as this is not to be lightly rated. It is not altogether to be estimated in dollars and cents. Can it be possible, that some thousands of volumes filled with a minute and particular description of the natural scenery, rocks, minerals, flora, and fauna of a great state like New-York, can be scattered among its cities and villages and hamlets without an influence upon its inhabitants? And what must this influence be? belittleing in its character? Teaching its growing sons to think less of an ancestry, and less of institutions to which such a work is due ? An uneducated and an unenlightened people could never have undertaken it.

Nor can its immediate effect upon the character of the next generation be unhappy. Salem witches have, it is true, disappeared; but if the public did but know it, divining-rods and fortune-tellers' stones and glasses, and "moon in the sign of the heart," and agricultural labor put off for the proper change of the moon, and almanac Fridays, are not yet entirely done away, even within those enlightened portions of the world -New-York and New-England.

If fifty thousand highly-finished and complete treatises upon natural sci

ence can be scattered over the state, without fetching out of an else-veiled obscurity some if not Davy, or Cuvier, or Linnæus-at least here and there a worthy disciple to the shrine where they worshipped, then do we greatly overestimate the native worth of this particular portion of Anglo-Saxondom.

Mascula

Proles, Sabellis docta ligonibus
Versare glebas.

Copies of the report of this survey have been presented to every public library of note in Europe. We are happy in the belief, that there it can reflect no discredit on the young and distant republic that created it.

For the Empire State not to have undertaken such a work at all, in which she was but an imitator, would have been, not only parsimonious, but of that order of parsimony known as "penny-wise and pound-foolish ;” not to have done it well would have been niggardly. For, even in a pecuniary point of view, the value of the geological and mineralogical portions of the survey is of the highest importance to the people of New-York.

We do not know, nor can we estimate from any data in our possession, the amount of money expended within the last hundred years, by our citizens in valueless mining operations. But we do know something of that rage, with which otherwise sensible men squander money in such speculations. One of the least wonderful incidentsthough often quoted as the reverse-of the early settlement of the United States, was the loading and transmission to England of a ship-load of shining sand-(sulphuret of iron)-in the hope that it was gold. We know two wells sunk, one more than a hundred, and the other about three times as many feet, through the Trenton and Black River limestones, in a worse than hopeless search for brine. The geologists mention repeated instances of a like character. We have known men subject themselves to considerable expense in attempting to extract silver from a dark-colored heavy stone, composed in a great part of carburet of iron. We have seen so common and unpeculiar a mineral as sahlite, taken, at some cost and trouble, to a distant