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character to De Foe and to posterity, he afforded the Bristol merchants, who fitted him out, what was far more to their purpose, good round dividends on their investment and encouragements to further ventures.1

When England and the Dutch had made it difficult for Spain to keep up intercourse with her American colonies, the Spanish government conferred upon France the privilege of supplying goods to her possessions in the Indies, with a result, from the great liberality of this foreign service, that



would have weaned the Spanish colonies from any dependence on the mother country, if the Treaty of Utrecht (1713) had not brought relief to Spanish commerce. But out of a desire to propitiate England, Spain only substituted one danger for another when she yielded to the English merchants the right to trade at Porto Bello and to supply the colonies with negroes. With true British vigor and with organized methods, the open

1 Dampier, who had had bad luck, was content to take the subordinate post of pilot under Rogers in this cruise.

2 The commercial literature of the time is replete with controversial pamphlets, growing out of this concession of Spain, which was held by

* From Labat's Nouveau Voyage (Paris, 1722), vol. ii.

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From Johann Ludwig Gottfriedt's Newe Welt und Americanische Historien (Franckfurt, 1655).

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ing once made, little limit was put to the trade, which by clandestine plots and official connivance soon reached an extent far beyond the treaty provisions, so that the annual return to Spain by her own vessels was reduced to little more than the royal tax on silver. The armed attempts which the Spanish guarda costas made to prevent this usurpation of trade brought on collisions with the British mercantile marine,' that very naturally took on national importance and ended in a war 2 (1739), which resulted in Spain's

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D' ACAPULCO sur la Cote du Mexique dans la Mer du Sud a16. 45'de Latit.Septent. et a 108:22 de Longitude Occidentale de Londres.

Ale Port. B. la Ville. Piecer de Canard G. Punto del Grifo, ou il y aun nouveau. Ile à l'Entrée du Port.
C.le Fort S Diego, ou iya......100 Fort de 30 Canons.
M.Port Marquis.
D4 nouveaux Bastions Chacun de 5 H. Chemin de Mexique.
N. Maifon de Campagne.
E une Batterie de...

71 Maison de campagne du Gouverne. Deux Arbres cule Galion de
K. Echanguettes
Manille attache un Cable.

the merchants interested in the trade of Jamaica to be unjust to them. The Carter-Brown Catalogue indicates many of these, -iii. 175, 183, 189, 190, 191, 213, 406, 407, 408, etc. Particularly see, The State of the Island of Jamaica, chiefly in relation to its Commerce and the Conduct of the Spaniards in the West Indies (London, 1726); Some Observations on the Assiento Trade as it has been exercised by the South Sea Company (2d ed., London, 1728); An Answer [to the last] by the Factors of the South Sea Company (London, 1728); A Defence of [some] Observations (London, 1728). This Assiento treaty is given

in A Collection of Treaties, 1648-1732 (London, 1710-32), in 4 vols. Cf. also Calvo, Rec. des Traités, ii. 5; and Occasional papers on the Assiento and the affairs of Jamaica, by William Wood (London, 1716). Dr. Charles Deane has succinctly traced the rise of the English connection with slavery in the West Indies in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Oct., 1886, pp. 191-205.

1 Cf. Some Observations on Damages done by the Spaniards (London, 1728); A View of the Depredations and Ravages committed by the Spaniards (London, 1731).

2 It is curious to observe how, in refuting the

NOTE TO THE ABOVE MAP.- From the French edition, Genève, 1750, of Anson's Voyage, and appearing in all the editions. It is also given in Prévost's Voyages (1754), xii. 450.

recovering the rights of trade which she had before granted to England. Learning from experience the drawbacks of her annual fleets, she now allowed her own merchants so to ply their private trade with the colonies that foreign interlopers kept little of the advantage which the commercial dulness of Spain had made it easy for them to obtain in the past. This individual Spanish activity so rapidly increased that in 1748 the regular galleon trade came to an end.1

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Spanish exclusive claims to the regions discovered by Columbus, the popular mind in England was pampered with the belief that these Spanish discoveries must yield to the rights established by the voyage of Madoc, the Welsh prince, as set forth in The British Sailor's Discovery, or the Spaniards' Pretensions confuted (London, 1739). Cf. ante, Vol. I. ch. 2.

1 The galleon and flota service had been up to about 1720 regularly carried on from Cadiz, but at that date it was transferred to another port. The routes of these Spanish fleets are explained on many of the maps which were issued during the early years of the eighteenth century. On Hermann Moll's Map of the West Indies, dedicated to William Paterson, and appearing about


1700, the fleets are tracked as entering the enclosed sea by way of Trinidad, and while the flota proceeded direct to Vera Cruz, the galleon stopped awhile on the coast of New Grenada, so that expresses could be sent overland to Cartagena, Lima, and Panama, "to hasten the king's treasure." Thence they are shown to proceed to Cartagena, where they stay 60 days, and thence go to Porto Bello, where they remain 30 days, while a fair or mart was held, and then they return to Cartagena. The flota from Vera Cruz and the galleons now rendezvous at Havana, whence in company they start, by way of the Bahama channel, for Spain. These legends are repeated on the New Map of the West Indies, by N. Vischer (Amsterdam); on Covens and Mortier's Archipe

Events like these, and other reasons, rendered the more settled occupation of these Upper Pacific coast regions desirable for the aggrandizement of Spanish trade. There were wild Indians in Nueva Galicia still to be brought under subjection, and the conquest of Nayarit occurred in the early years of the eighteenth century. The expansion of the mission system was preparing the way for more active and secular interests.

As the years went on, new names among the Pacific corsairs were repeated with terror along the coast. In 1742 Captain George Anson appeared off Acapulco, and failing to intercept the freighted galleons there, he stretched his course towards the Asiatic islands, and made up in success on that coast for his failure on the other.

The work of the Jesuits after a while was brought to an end, during the rule of Archbishop Lorenzana, by their final expulsion in 1767, under an order of Cárlos III, which drove. them out of all his dominions, a procedure carried out, in Mexico and elsewhere, cruelly, despite the will of Pope Clement XIII. The execution of this order brought renewed attention to the Jesuits' missions in Sonora and California, which now became the field of the Franciscans and Dominicans. The occupation of Upper California was at this time pushed with something like business persistency, the settlements first beginning just above the peninsula at San Diego, to which the parties of occupation went by sea and land. Thence expeditionary companies were started up in 1769 to Monterey and to San Francisco Bay, then just discovered.1 In the succeeding years town after town was founded, San Carlos, San Antonio, San Gabriel, and the rest, where the mission stations were made the centres of interest.


GEORGE ANSON (1697-1761).*

These first towns had but the slightest accompaniments of agriculture, though their supply of live-stock flourished and increased. In 1773 the region of Upper California had become important enough to be parcelled out into presidios. Then immigrants began to flock in. There were among them missionaries, of course, and foremost; but there were not wanting store

lague du Méxique; and on Ottens' Nova Isthmi Americani tabula (Amsterdam, 1717). Cf., on this traffic, Bury's Exodus of the Western Nations

(ii. ch. 2); and on the ocean route of the trading ships, Brevoort's Verrazano, p. 101.

1 Cf. John T. Doyle in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., October, 1873, p. 110.

* After a print in the Allgemeine Geographische Ephemeriden, July, 1805.

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