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keepers, blacksmiths, and other representatives of a permanent civil life. The chief apprehension came from the reports of Russian approaches down the coast from Alaska, and it was not long before a supply ship was sent up the coast to discover how impending the danger was. In 1775 other vessels went north from San Blas, and it was now, as Bancroft holds, that

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the exploring parties transferred the name of San Francisco from the little bay under Point Reyes to the magnificent expanse within the Golden Gate.3 At the same time and later, other expeditions, overland and by way of the Colorado, accompanied by animals, and provided with weapons and with the

1 California, i. ch. 9, 10. Father Serra, who Russian exploration as then understood in westwas one of the leading spirits in these days, left ern Europe. descriptive notes, which Bancroft uses.

3 It was now that Lieut. Ayala explored the 2 The London Mag., 1764, gives a map of the bay by water, and that Rivera continued his land conveniences of family life, were conducted by Anza, Font, and Garcés. Bancroft gives a map showing the routes of these earliest wanderers along the bay and over the peninsula of San Francisco, where in 1776–77 the presidio and mission of that name were founded. Other settlements and presidios were established within the next few years, — Los Angeles, Santa

explorations of the previous year. From the plate (Voyage par Geo. Anson, Genève, 1750) which appears in all the editions, showing the taking of the galleon “Nuestra Senora de Cabadonga" by the “Centurion.” See cut of a galleon, ante, II. p. 456.

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1 California, i. 281.

* From a Spanish MS. as given in the English translation of Miguel Costanso's Historical Journal (London, 1790). — Key: A, Entrance of the famous port. a, Bay Carmelita. b, Ysla de los Angeles. c, White Island. d, Ya. de Mal Abrigo. 6, S. Juan Capistrano. f, Bay of na. sa. la Maniera. g, Round Bay, or Guadalupe. h, Estero de las mercedes. k, Bay of Asumpta. I, Junction of the various mouths of the river. m, Channel of the river. n, Rancherias of the Indians dealing in fish and tobacco. p, Mountain of S. Juan Bautista. Cf. the plans and map in Bancroft's California, i. pp. 695,699, 703. The maritime explorations of the Pacific coast are traced in Vol. II., ante. The cartographical ideas of the upper coast at this time (1770) are seen in the map engraved by Tomas Lopez, and published at Madrid in 1771, which is reproduced in Wm. Reveley's English version of Miguel Costanso's Hist. Journal of the expeditions by sea and land to the north of California in 1768–70 (London, 1790). Some years later La Perouse, in his maps of the coast and of San Francisco Bay, seems to have used Spanish originals. (Cf. Bancroft, California, i. 434, 475.) Cf. Palou's map, 1787, in Ibid. 407. Mr. John T. Doyle, in a communication printed in the American Antiquarian Society's Proceedings, April, 1889, questions the accuracy of Bancroft's statement (California, i. 157) when that writer claims, through an assistant, to have first given publicity (in the Overland Monthly, June, 1874) to the evidence of the discovery of the bay of San Francisco in 1769, Mr. Doyle asserting on the contrary that he first announced the proofs from Crespi's diary, and drew Mr. Bancroft's attention to them in August, 1870.

Barbara, and some others, and the instituting of pueblos became a settled policy.

But the possible value of the upper coast was never distant from the thoughts of these pioneers of California. The publication of the accounts of the voyage of Cook had already opened (1778–79) the Spanish eyes to the importance of the fur trade. In 1789 they had got word of Captain Kendrick in the “Columbia” as on the coast two years earlier, and it seemed to be the belief that this Boston ship 1 somehow belonged to General Washington, and that it was worth their while to catch her; but the Columbia River was too far north for a chance conflict, and so nothing

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came to pass to array the Americans thus early against the Spanish pretensions. Not so, however, with the British, who were now taking measures to occupy Nootka. Accordingly Martinez was sent up with a naval force to possess the place; but the complications which arose were soon settled by the convention entered into with Spain, by which this latter country relinquished her exclusive rights, though the Spaniards kept up trading relations with Nootka Sound for five years. There followed many friendly salutations with the English. The Spanish frigates “Sutil” and “Mexicana” were sent to map out the Straits of Fuca, and did so (1792) in company with the ships of Vancouver, who later came down the coast and paid a friendly visit to the bay of San Francisco, noting its poor preparations for defence. Vancouver was on the California coast three times between 1792 and 1794. His visit was not without its promptings, and measures were at once taken to strengthen the coast defences; and there was all the more need of it as the outcome of the French Revolution might involve no one knew what necessities.

1 Cf. ante, II. p. 470.

2 California, i. 445

3 Cf. ante, VII. p. 555.

* A cut in the Century Magazine, May, 1883, p. 13. Cf. Tour du Monde, 1876, i. 113 (in connection with a translation of Hepworth Dixon's White Conquest).

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The history of the California region during the next twelve or fifteen years was one of the progress of missions, of explorations inland, and of fear of the Russians. This people and the Spaniards first met in California in 1806. The Russians had been lured south in search of the otter, and they had taken them even in San Francisco Bay. The belief in the Straits of Anian had not wholly died out, and the Spaniards, hoping to plant themselves on the coast near any supposable inlet which might lead to the Atlantic, were thus lured north across the track of the fur-hunting Russians.

1 California, i. 513 (for references), 702.

2 Ante, Vol. II. p. 445, etc.; and the present volume, p. 108.

* A cut in the Century Magazine, May, 1883, accompanying an article by Mrs. Helen Hunt Jackson, on “Father Junipero and his work, - a sketch of the foundation, prosperity, and ruin of the Franciscan missions in California.” Father Junipero died at the San Carlos mission in 1784.

The period of the first Mexican revolution which now followed (18111817) brought nothing but hard times to the Californian settler, cutting him off from supplies as it did. The crisis also transfers the interest of the reader to the older provinces, which since we last noticed them had gone on in a career of monotonous change and counterchange. In 1786–87, the system of intendencias was put in effect, placing the officers of government in links of dependence, each on his superior. The treasonable plot of Guerrero gives a little color to the early years of the next century.

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The causes of the coming revolution were not hidden. The law that excluded Spaniards born in America from equal rights with those who were immigrants was a natural, not to say necessary, source of discontent among people whose good-will was much needed by any viceroy. There was inevitably not a little mutual repugnance between the Mexican and Spanish stocks, and the home government did nothing to mollify such asperities. There were commercial monopolies militant against public interests. The clergy were alienated, and since they were not thus so serviceable as formerly in the part of mediators in enforcing governmental aims, it was found necessary to use force where the people were not accustomed to it. The Viceroy José de Iturrigaray practised a seeming condescension that deceived no one, and he pursued his exactions partly by reason of self-interest, and partly in order to supply Madrid with means to meet the financial troubles that the Napoleonic era was creating. After some years of these

After the portrait in Alaman's Mejico, vol. i.

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