THE

YORKSHIREMAN,

A

RELIGIOUS AND LITERARY JOURNAL

BY A FRIEND.

PRO PATRIA.

No. XLVI. FIFTH DAY, 29th FIFTH Mo. 1834.

PRICE 4d.

ART. I.-A Chronological summary of events and circumstances, connected with the origin and progress of the doctrine and practices of the Quakers.

(Continued from p. 314.)

A. D. George Fox travels in the work of the ministry in the islands 1671-3.of Barbadoes and Jamaica, in Maryland, New England, the Jerseys, Long-island, Rhode-island, Virginia and Carolina; and returns about the middle of the year 1673 to Bristol. The account of these travels occupies about thirty pages in the Folio Journal' of the Edition of 1765, p. 426 to 458. The narrative is interesting, not only from the nature of the service, but as a history of adventures and escapes, or (what they, in common with all pious persons would call) deliverances, by the interposition of Divine Providence, in many difficulties and dangers. He embarked, accompanied by twelve other Friends (only two of whom, Robert Widders and James Lancaster, appear to have returned with him,) at Gravesend, the 13th of the Sixth Month, 1671, and got into Kings-road, and thence ashore to Bristol, on his return, the 28th of the Fourth Month, 1673, where, after some time, his wife and family joined him. At his going out three, and at his return four, of the ship's hands were impressed the first act would have certainly delayed, if not wholly prevented' the voyage, had not the Captain of a frigate riding in the Downs in compassion and much civility' spared them two of his men. In the second instance, there being a religious meeting in the

ship with the seamen at the time, the press-master staid to attend it, was well satisfied, and at George's request consented to leave two of his victims behind.

They were seven weeks and some odd days' in their passage to Barbadoes, during which time George Fox, though not sea-sick, suffered much by a kind of rheumatic fever, which held him three weeks more, in much pain, after his landing: while the Friends that came over with him 'bestirred themselves in the Lord's work;' going some of them to Jamaica and other parts. That this work, the particulars of which (as to his own share) are largely given in his Journal, was not very easy to the flesh (whatever were their conflicts in spirit besides) may appear from the following extract, with which I shall dismiss my Reader to the book itself.

"While we were at Shrewsbury [East Jersey] an accident befell which for the time was a great exercise to us. John Jay, a friend of Barbadoes, who came with us from Rhode-island and intended to accompany us through the woods to Maryland, being to try a horse got upon his back, and the horse fell a running, cast him down upon his head and broke his neck as the people said. Those who were near him took him up as dead, carried him a good way and laid him on a tree. I got to him as soon as I could, and feeling him concluded he was dead. As I stood pitying him and his family, I took hold of his hair and his head turned any way, his neck was so limber. Whereupon I took his neck in both my hands, and setting my knees against the tree I raised his head, and perceived there was nothing out or broken that way. Then I put my hand under his chin and the other behind his head, and raised his head two or three times with all my strength and brought it in. I soon perceived his head began to grow stiff again, and then he began to rattle in his throat and quickly after to breathe. The people were amazed; but I bid them have a good heart, be of good faith, and carry him into the house. They did so, and set him by the fire. I bid them get him something warm to drink, and put him to bed. After he had been in the house a while he began to speak; but did not know where he had been. The next day we passed away (and he with us, pretty well) about sixteen miles, to a meeting at Middletown, through woods and bogs and over a river; where we swam our horses, and got over ourselves upon a hollow tree. Many hundred miles did he travel with us after this.

"To this meeting came most of the people of the town. A glorious meeting we had, and the truth was over all; blessed be the great Lord God for ever! After the meeting we went to Middletown harbour, about five miles, in order to take our long journey next morning through the woods towards Maryland, having hired Indians for our guides. I determined to pass through the woods on the other side of Delaware-bay, that we might head the creeks and rivers as much as possible. The ninth of the seventh month we set forward, passed through many Indian towns, and over some rivers and bogs. When we had rid about forty miles, we made a fire at night and lay down by it. As we came among the Indians, we declared the day of the Lord to them. Next day we travelled fifty miles, as we computed; and at night finding an old house, which the Indians had forced the people to leave, we made a fire and lay there, at the head of Delaware-bay. The next day we swam our horses over a river about a mile, at twice, first to an island called Upper Dinidock and then to the main land, having hired Indians to help us over in their canoes. This day we could reach but about thirty miles, and came to a Swede's house, where we got a little straw and lay that night. Next day, having hired another guide, we travelled about forty miles through the woods, and made a fire at night by which we lay and dried ourselves for we were often wet in our travels. Next day we passed over a

desperate river, which had in it many rocks and broad stones, very hazardous to us and our horses. From thence we came to Christian river, where we swam our horses over and went ourselves in canoes; but the sides of the river were so miry, that some of the horses had like to have been laid up. From thence we came to Newcastle, heretofore called New-Amsterdam; and being very weary, and inquiring in the town where we might buy some corn for our horses, the Governor came and invited me to his house, and afterwards desired me to lodge there; telling me he had a bed for me and I should be welcome. So I staid, the other friends being taken care of also. This was a Seventh-day, and he offering his house for a meeting we had the next day a pretty large one; for most of the town were at it. Here had never been a meeting before, nor any within a great way; but this was a very precious one, many were tender and confessed to the truth, and some received it, blessed be the Lord for ever!"

The King issues a Declaration of indulgence to Non-conformists or Recusants; excepting those of the Roman Catholic religion in as far as regarded the allowance of public places of worship, and the approbation of teachers. (a)

༡.

Respecting this Ordinance I shall cite George Whitehead, who was largely concerned in its execution as to Friends, and is minute in his account of it. After remarking that, as there was but little respite from persecution in twelve years' time, from 1660 to 1672, (in which year was the last war at sea between the English and the Dutch) so did one judgment and calamity follow another plague, fire and war, unto great depopulation and devastation, shewing God's heavy displeasure against persecution and cruelty. Howbeit he continues by this time [about the end of 1671] the King did seem to bethink himself to take other measures than to continue persecution to destroy his own subjects, not knowing what issue the Dutch war against him might come to.'-For the Declaration itself, it is said to be published by the advice of the Privy Council; and after setting forth the care and endeavours used FOR THE PRESERVATION OF THE RIGHTS AND INTEREST OF THE CHURCH [an unwitting disclosure of the true authors of this misery and confusion] confesses that it is evident, by the sad experience of twelve years, that there is very little fruit of all these forceable courses.' The King's act is based upon that supreme power in Ecclesiastical matters, which is not only inherent in [the Crown] but hath been declared and recognized so to be by several Satutes and Acts of Parliament:—the motive, the quieting the minds of good subjects, and inviting strangers to come and live under the King's government; as also the better encouragement of all to a cheerful following of their trades and callings.'

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The Ordinance requires, 1. That the Church of England be preserved and remain entire, in its doctrine, discipline and government, as established by law: 2. That the execution of all and all manner of penal laws in matters Ecclesiastical, against whatsoever sort of Nonconformnists or Recusants, be immediately suspended : 3. That a sufficient number of places of worship be allowed [contrast this with the demolition of Meeting-houses, of which we have just now been. reading] for the use of such as do uot conform to the Church of (a) Whitehead's Christian Progress, p. 347. Gough, Hist. Book 4, beginning.

England :—which places shall be open and free to all persons: 4. That for the prevention of disorder, none of these places shall be so used until allowed by Royal license, and the teacher approved: 5. Excepts Recusants of the Roman Catholic religion on this head; and limits them to the exercise of their worship in private houses only. 6. Concludes with a threat to seditious preachers in these terms, We will let them see we can be as severe to punish such offenders-as we are indulgent to truly tender consciences.' Such was the spatium, requiesque furoris, the mere breathing time to which the spirit of Intolerance gave place, for two short years of this evil reign!

Soon after the publication of the Indulgence, George Whitehead came under 'a very weighty and tender concern' [which indeed there was need of, in some breast beside the King's] for the deliverance by its means of above Four hundred Friends, many of whom had been long straitly confined under divers prosecutions, sentences and judgments, as to imprisonments, fines, forfeitures, banishments, for meeting, not conforming, not swearing allegiance; divers under sentence of premunire; some having endured ten or eleven years' imprisonment, besides those who suffered long for Non-payment of Tithes.' The subsequent proceedings of our honourable Ancient deserve to be related in his own words, with the vouchers attached.

"I was really moved to write a few lines to the King, requesting their liberty, which I intimated to our honest and loving friend, Thomas Moor, who was often willing to move the King in behalf of our suffering Friends for their liberty, the King having some respect to him; for he had an interest with the King and some of his council, more than many others had; and I desired him to present my few lines (or letter) to the King, which he carefully did; and a few days after, both he and myself had access into the king's presence, and renewed our request which I had made to him in my letter before; whereupon the King granted us liberty to be heard on Friday (as he said) before the council, being the next Council-day the same week.

"And then Thomas Moor, myself, and our friend Thomas Green, attended at the Council-chamber at Whitehall, and were all admitted in before the King and a full council, and being called to go up before the king, who was at the upper end of the council-board, I had a fair opportunity to open the case of our suffering Friends as a conscientious people, chiefly to show the reason of our not swearing Allegiance to the King; that it was not in any contempt, or disrespect, either to the king's person or government, but singly as it is a matter of conscience to us, not to swear at all, nor in any case, and that in sincere obedience to Christ's command, and Gospel Ministry (Mat. v. and James v.). When I had opened, and more fully pleaded our suffering Friend's case, the King gave this answer, viz. I'le pardon them, &c.

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Whereupon Thomas Moor pleaded the innocency of our Friends, that they needed no pardon, being innocent, &c. The king's own warrant in a few lines will discharge them: For, where the word of a king is, there is power, said T. M. The King answered, O, Mr. Moor, there are persons as innocent as a child (or children) new born, that are pardoned, that is, from the penalties of the law; you need not scruple a pardon, &c. The Lord Keeper added, viz. I told them that they cannot be legally discharged, but by a pardon under the Great Seal. Then stood up Duke Lauderdale, and made his reflection upon what Thomas Moor said, in this manner, viz.

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May it please your Majesty, I wonder that these men should be no better counselled to accept of your gracious pardon; for if your Majesty should by your

OF EVENTS, &c.

341 own private Warrant release them out of prison, their prosecutors may put them into prison again next day; and still their estates (forfeited to you upon Premunire) remain confiscate; so that their persons and estates cannot be safely discharged, without your Majesty's pardon under the Great Seal. With which the rest of the Council concurred.

"Whereunto I returned this answer, viz. It is not for us to prescribe, or dictate to the King and his Council, what methods to take for our Friend's discharge; they know best their own methods in point of law; we seek the end thereof, namely the effectual discharge of our suffering Friends out of prison, that they may live peaceably, and quietly enjoy their own, &c.

"Whereupon they all appeared satisfied, and the King said, Well, I'le pardon (or discharge them,) &c.

"After more discourse between the King and us, I looked about on the council, and in the Lord's power thus declared, viz. I do not question but God at times inclines your hearts to tenderness towards the sufferers, especially those for conscience sake. O therefore take notice thereof, and mind that tenderness, and that which inclines your hearts to commiserate their conditions, who have long groaned and lain under heavy burthens, and sore oppressions, &c.

"As for our refusing the Oath of Allegiance, for which many suffer in prison, God doth bear us witness, yea, God doth bear the sufferers record, that it is not from a disaffection to the King, or Government, but singly for conscience-sake, because it is an oath. Concluding with these words, viz. This is the fast the Lord requires, to undo the heavy burthens, and to let the oppressed go free. [Being near the time of an appointed fast as I remember.]

"Pursuant to the King's promise of pardon. &c. the following order was given, viz. At the Court at Whitehall, the 8th of May, 1672. The King's Most Excellent Majesty.

Archbishop of Canterbury.
Lord Keeper.

Duke of Lauderdale.

Lord Chamberlain.

Earl of Bridgwater.

Earl of Essex.

Earl of Anglesey

Earl of Bath.

Earl of Carlisle.

Earl of Craven.

Earl of Shaftsbury.

Viscount Falconbery.

Viscount Hallifax.

Lord Bishop of London.
Lord Newport.

Lord Hollis.

Mr. Vice-Chamberlain.

Mr. Secretary Trevor.

Sir John Duncomb.

Mr. Chancellor of the Duchy.
Master of the Ordnance.

Sir Thomas Osburn.

"Whereas his Majesty of his princely clemency, was graciously pleased to direct, that letters should be written from this board, to the Sheriffs of the respective counties and cities, and counties and towns, and counties within his Majesty's Kingdom of England, and Dominion of Wales, requiring them to return perfect Lists and Calenders of the names, time, and causes of commitment of all such Prisoners, called Quakers, as remain in their several jails, or prisons, which they they accordingly did; and the same were by order of his Majesty in Council, of the Third Instant, delivered into the hands of the Right Honourable the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England, who having considered thereof, did this day return them again, together with his opinion thereupon as followeth, viz.

"The returns that are made touching the prisoners, in the several jails, are of several kinds.

"1. All such of them as are returned to be convicted to be transported, or to be convicted of a Premunire, (upon whose convictions I suppose judgment was given) are not legally to be discharged, but by his Majesty's Pardon under the Great Seal.

2. All such that are returned to be in prison upon Writs of Excommunicato Capiendo, not mentioning the cause, ought not to be discharged till the cause.