SENATE.]

French Spoliations.-Proclamation.--Public Lands.-S. Carolina.

[JAN. 14, 15, 16, 1833.

Mr. CLAY persisted in his opposition, and stated that earlier period was, that a copy of the act of Assembly he should consider a decision not to take up the Land Bill could not be procured in an authentic form; but the doas equivalent to a decision to leave it unacted on for the cuments would be communicated, whether such copy rest of the session. He thought the gentleman from Missouri looked remarkably well, and quite competent to continue the debate. He then asked for the yeas and nays on the motion, which were accordingly ordered.

After a few remarks from Messrs. WEBSTER, SPRAGUE, and FORSYTH, the question was taken on the motion of Mr. WEBSTER, and decided as follows: YEAS.-Messrs. Benton, Bibb, Black, Brown, Buckner, Chambers, Dallas, Dudley, Forsyth, Grundy, Hendricks, Hill, Holmes, Kane, King, Miller, Moore, Robinson, Silsbee, Smith, Tipton, Webster, Wilkins, White-24. NAYS.-Messrs. Bell, Clay, Clayton, Dickerson, Ewing, Foot, Frelinghuysen, Knight, Naudain, Poindexter, Prentiss, Robbins, Seymour, Sprague-14.

་

So the Senate agreed to consider the bill; and the bill being then before the Senate, as in Committee of the Whole:

Mr. WEBSTER, in a speech of about two hours, developed the principles of the bill, and the grounds on which it was reported by the committee, and on which he should advocate its passage.

Mr. TYLER then explained the difficulty he felt in bringing his mind to embrace this important subject, after so long an interval had transpired since he had looked into the subject; and moved to lay the bill on the table.

Mr. WEBSTER acquiesced in the motion, which was carried.

On motion of Mr. BENTON, the Senate then ed to the consideration of executive business. After the doors were re-opened,

should be obtained or not. He hoped the Senator would not, under this assurance, insist on the present action of the Senate upon his resolution, but would suffer it to lie on the table.

Mr. CALHOUN said he certainly should not object, under the circumstances, to the laying of his resolution, for the present, on the table. His object had been merely to obtain these documents, to be laid before the Senate. And he thought it proper to say that he did not expect any such discussion on the subject as gentlemen seemed to have anticipated. It had not been his object to cast censure any where, but only to bring the documents into the-possession of the Senate. They were, in his opinion, connected with a most important issue-an issue which in importance had never been surpassed in the history of this country, not even at the time when the Declaration of Independence was published. Under this impression, he had brought forward his resolution to bring the papers before the Senate. If any Senator thought proper to move to lay the resolution on the table, he should make no objection to the course.

On motion of Mr. GRUNDY, the resolution was then laid on the table.

PUBLIC LANDS.

The Senate then resumed the bill to appropriate, for a limited time, the proceeds of the sales of the public proceed-lands, &c.

Mr. CALHOUN laid on the table the following resolution:

Resolved, That the President be requested to lay before the Senate a copy of his proclamation of the 10th of December last; and also the authenticated copies of the ordinance of the people of the State of South Carolina, with the documents accompanying the same; and of the proclamation of the Governor of the State of South Carolina of the 20th of December last, which was transmitted to him by the Executive of that State, with the request that he should lay them before Congress. The Senate then adjourned.

TUESDAY, JANUARY 15.
PROCLAMATION.

The resolution offered yesterday by Mr. CALHOUN was then taken up for consideration.

Mr. BUCKNER continued, and concluded his remarks in support of the amendment, (as given above.) The Senate adjourned.

WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 16.

SOUTH CAROLINA.

A message was received from the President of the United States, transmitting copies of the proclamation and other documents relating to South Carolina, her ordinance, &c. &c.

The reading of the message occupied an hour and a quarter. As soon as it was finished-'

Mr. GRUNDY moved to refer the message and documents to the Committee on the Judiciary, and that they be printed.

culiar circumstances of his situation, throw himself on the indulgence of the Senate for his pardon for the entire irrelevance of the remarks which he should feel himself bound to make.

Mr. CALHOUN then rose and said, that his object in taking the floor was not to make any remark on the mo tion which was immediately before the Senate. What he was about to say, therefore, would, under parliamentary Mr. KING rose, not, as he said, for the purpose of en-rule, be entirely out of order. But he would, in the pe tering into a discussion of the resolution; but his object in rising was merely to state, for the information of the Senator from South Carolina, the reason why he might perhaps think it not expedient to press the consideration of his resolution at this time. It might lead to a discus- He felt no disposition to notice many of the errors sion which would be found not to be necessary. A mes- which the message contained in reference to the docusage from the President would be received, perhaps, toments by which it was accompanied, but there was one day or to-morrow, which would communicate the docu- which he should deem himself a recreant to his State if ments called for by this resolution. They would have he did not rise emphatically and promptly to notice. It been communicated to the Senate before this time, but was stated by the Chief Magistrate, in substance, that that a delay had taken place in endeavoring to obtain an the movements made by the State of South Carolina were authenticated copy of some of the documents from South of a character hostile to the Union. Was he right in Carolina. He thought, therefore, that the proper course this impression? If so, he would say that there was not would be to lay the resolution, for the present, on the a shadow of foundation for such a statement. There was not a State in the Union less disposed than South Carolina Mr. GRUNDY then rose, and stated that he was au- to put herself in such attitude of hostility. But the thorized to say that the Senator from South Carolina grounds on which the President founds this inference would, on Thursday next, or perhaps carlier, receive were not less extraordinary than the inference itself. all the documents called for by this resolution, and much When he stated that hostile movements had been made, more, in a communication from the President. And the it was to be regretted that the President did not state the reason why the papers had not been communicated at an whole of the movements of this character which had

table.

JAN. 16, 1833.]

South Carolina.

[SENATE.

taken place. Before South Carolina had taken any posi- found in our institutions; and, unless it can be checked tion of a conflicting character, there had been a concen- and corrected in its course, by the wisdom of the Federal tration of United States' troops on two points, obviously Government, its operation will form no exception to the for the purpose of controlling the movements of the State. general course of events. The only cause of wonder, in One of these concentrations was at Augusta, and the his opinion, was, that our Union had continued so long; other at Charleston. Previous to this circumstance, the that, at the end of forty-four years, our Government State of South Carolina had looked to nothing beyond a should still retain its original form. He considered that, civil process, and had intended merely to give effect to her to the great event of 1801, the success of the party which opposition in the form of a suit at law. It was only when had elevated Mr. Jefferson to the Presidency, was maina military force was displayed on her borders, and in her ly to be attributed this duration. Nothing but the elevalimits, and when the menace was thrown out against the tion of that individual had prevented the earlier terminalives of her citizens, and of their wives and children, that tion of an experiment. But the time had at length come they found themselves driven to an attitude of resistance. when we are required to decide whether this shall be a Then it was that they all prepared to resist any ag- confederacy any longer, or whether it shall give way to gression. a consolidated Government. He called on Senators soBut the President had also rested his inference on an- lemnly to pause and deliberate on this important quesother ground. He had laid it down, that the tribunal of tion. As he lived, he believed that the continuance of the Supreme Court of the United States was, in the last any consolidated Government was impossible. It must resort, the only arbiter of the difference in the construc- inevitably lead to a military despotism. At this moment, tion of the constitutionality of the laws. On this point without having been brought into contact with any adthere seems to have been a great change in the opinion verse circumstances, without any conflicting causes, in a of the Executive within the last twelve months. The time of peace, and under the influence of an unexampled President had not held this opinion in reference to the re- prosperity, our Union stands on the eve of dissolution or sistance of the State of Georgia. A narrow river only the verge of a civil war. How was this? Was it not atdivides the territory of Georgia from that of South Caro- tributable to the powerful workings of the consolidating lina; yet, on the one side, the power of the Supreme principle? Court, as the arbiter in the last resort, is to be sustained; while, on the other side, the will of the Executive is to be

supreme.

In this widely extended republic there has been, of necessity, an active conflict of interests. In one portion a system works beneficially, which is found to be oppresBut, if the Supreme Court was to be the arbiter, he sive in another portion. The system of protection is said wished to know in what manner the decision of that tri- to operate to the advantage of those parts of the country bunal, as to the constitutionality of the tariff law as a which are the strongest. Every one said so, and, theremeasure of protection, was to be obtained? How was fore, he was bound to believe so. But in the weakest poran issue to be made up? This mode had already been tions of the country there was scarcely to be found one tried in the case of Holmes, a citizen of Charleston, and who would not, if he had the power, put down the systhe court had declared its incapacity to act, for want of tem of protection. There were thus different views on jurisdiction, and refused to take cognizance of the subject. (both sides. How was this to operate? He intended, in He wished to know why this circumstance had been sup- nothing which he should say, to make any personal referpressed-no, suppressed was too strong a term-forgot- ences. It was his wish to argue the subject solely on phiten in the message of the Executive. It will be remem-losophical grounds. A President is elected, and comes bered that when the bill of 1828 was introduced, which into power; his policy necessarily conforms to that of the had been justly called by the Senator from Massachusetts party by which he is chosen. It cannot be otherwise. a bill of abominations, a representative from South Caro- The tariff party, for example, support as their candidate lina had ineffectually endeavored to obtain an amendment a gentleman who is known to be in favor of their views. of the title of it, so that it might bear on its face the character He did not condemn this: it was the natural and unavoidof protection, which belonged to it. But it was sent abroad under a delusive and deceptive name. How, then, was South Carolina to try the question? Even if she had every reliance on the authority of the Supreme Court, she could not obtain the judgment of that court. What course, then, was left for South Carolina, but that which she had pursued?

able course of things. The opposite side must then take up one as their candidate, whose opinions on the subject of protection are less marked, but who may be sustained by a portion of the tariff party, because he is for that system to a certain extent, and by a portion of the anti-tariff States, because he is less hostile to their interests than his competitor. By this combination a triumph is obtained. It was also suggested in the message of the Executive, He who comes into power in this manner, if he is posthat the State ought to have resorted to the other remedy sessed of any intelligence, can never be dislodged. How which was pointed out, and asked at an earlier period for can he? He takes a middle ground between the North a convention of the States, in order to amend the consti- and the South. If one interest attempts to make a fortution. South Carolina had been prevented from making ward movement, the other side has occupied the ground. applications on this subject. She had wished over and And, by this means, burdens to the amount of thirty milover again to obtain a convention, but she had uniformly lions, without the Post Office Department, and, including found a fixed majority in both Houses against her. How, that department, thirty-two millions, are imposed upon the then, was she to obtain the acquiescence of the constitu- country, under the pretence of revenue-an amount con. tional majority of two-thirds of the two Houses? Under siderably greater than the value of any single one of the these circumstances, she made no application until the great interests of the country--exceeding the whole State itself had declared it unconstitutional, and the emer- amount of the cotton crop, or the entire value of the shipgency arose which called for it. ping interest. Thus, identifying himself neither with These were all the remarks which he considered him-tariff nor anti-tariff, bank nor anti-bank, internal improve. self called on to make at this moment in reference to the ment nor anti-internal improvement, he cannot be diserrors of the message of the Executive. lodged. What is the result? The system of oppression

It was obvious that the country had now reached a cri- goes on. The weaker side sees it is a hopeless case, and sis. It had been often said that every thing which lives makes resistance. The stronger still adheres to the sys. carries in itself the elements of its own destruction. tem. The middle power is then thrown to the stronger This principle was no less applicable to political, than to side, and the stronger calls in force which puts down reaphysical constructions. The principle of decay is to be son. This was the process of consolidation. Gentlemen

SENATE.]

South Carolina.--Public Lands.

[JAN. 16, 1833.

might contend that this was not a question of consolidation; casion, endeavored to demonstrate to the Senate the disbut it is consolidation. And he could see no distinction tinction between the two cases: he was ready again to between a consolidated Government and one which as- show the distinction between them, and to defend its justsumed the right of judging of the propriety of interposing ness. To others it might not be so, but to the great body military power to coerce a State. of the people of Georgia it was obvious and palpable.

The motion was then agreed to. On motion of Mr. GRUNDY, 3,000 extra copies of the message and documents were ordered to be printed.

Mr. POINDEXTER laid on the table certain amendments which he proposed to make in the bill appropriating, for a limited time, the proceeds of the public lands, &c.

We (said Mr. C.) made no such Government. South The honorable Senator had assured the Senate that no Carolina sanctioned no such Government. She entered State loved the Union more than the State of South Carothe confederacy with the understanding that a State, in lina. Mr. F. heard this declaration from such high authe last resort, has a right to judge of the expediency of thority with pleasure. It must be confessed that the course resistance to oppression, or secession from the Union. of the State had placed the object of their love in extreme And for so doing it is that we are threatened to have our danger. Mr. F. congratulated the Senate, that, notwiththroats cut, and those of our wives and children. No--I standing the threatening appearance, there was no danger go too far. I did not intend to use language so strong. to the public peace. The Chief Magistrate pledges himThe Chief Magistrate had not yet recommended so des- self not to resort to any but defensive force; and the Scperate a remedy. The present is a great question, and nator from South Carolina tells us that South Carolina has the liberties of the American people depend upon the de- no desire to use force unless assailed. The hope might be cision of it. It was impossible that a consolidated Govern- indulged that all these pledges would be redeemed: if they ment could exist in this country; it never can. Did I say were, force would not be used. in this country? It never can exist in any country. If any man would look into the history of the world, and find any single case in which the government of absolute majority, unchecked by any constitutional restraints, had lasted one century, he would yield the question. For himself, he had been, from his earliest life, deeply attached to the Union; and he felt, with a proportionate intensity, the importance of this question. In his early youth he had cherished a deep and enthusiastic admiration of this Union. He had looked on its progress with rapture, and encouraged the most sanguine expectations of its endurance. He still believed that if it could be conformed to the principles of 1798, as they were then construed, it might en- Mr. BLACK, of Mississippi, said, but for the peculiar sidure forever. Bring back the Government to those prin- tuation in which he was placed, after so much having been ciples, and he would be the last to abandon it, and South said on this subject, both at the present and last session of Carolina would be amongst its warmest advocates. But Congress, and said, too, by gentlemen who justly comdepart from these principles, and in the course of ten mand a high reputation for their wisdom and experience in years we shall degenerate into a military despotism. national affairs, he should not have troubled the Senate The cry had been raised, "the Union-is in danger." He with any remarks. He trusted, however, that the impor knew of no other danger but that of military despotism. tance of the subject, involving, perhaps, the tranquillity He would proclaim it on this floor, that this was the great- of the Union, and certainly the prosperity of the State est danger with which it was menaced--a danger the great- he had the honor in part to represent, would plead his est which any country had to apprehend. apology for asking for a few moments the attention of the Senate.

He begged pardon for the warmth with which he had expressed himself. Unbecoming as he knew that warmth to be, he must throw himself on his country and his countrymen for indulgence. Situated as he was, and feeling as he did, he could not have spoken otherwise.

PUBLIC LANDS.

The Senate then proceeded to the consideration of the bill appropriating, for a limited time, the proceeds of the public lands, &c.

We who represent the new States (said Mr. B.) have been especially invited by gentlemen to enlist with them in this service. To some of us has been offered the imposing consideration of five hundred thousand acres of land, and twelve per cent. on the amount of sales as bounty; and our dividend with them proportioned according to federal numbers as yearly pay. For one, I have deMr. CALHOUN said he had so stated in the outset of termined to refuse the bounty, reject the pay, and to his remarks, and apologized for it. decline the service. I am well aware, that in so doing, my

Mr. FORSYTH said, on the motion to refer, all observations on the merits of the President's message were irrelevant and irregular.

Mr. FORSYTH.-True, the Senator from South Caro-judgment will be called in question by many, even of lina had admitted the existence of the rule, and had given those whose good opinions I have been accustomed to the best possible excuse for the violation of it. Mr. F. had value. To vindicate, therefore, the conclusions to which no such excuse to offer; therefore, should not follow the I have come in this matter, I will state in a brief, but I example: fear a desultory manner, the reasons which have induced

The President has, in the execution of his duty, frankly them. and openly expressed his opinions, and the facts and rea- The earnestness with which this measure was brought sons upon which they were founded. The Senator from forward, and the zeal with which it has been pressed South Carolina, on the part of his State, had interposed upon the Senate, cannot have escaped the observation of his denial. The issue is fairly made; the competent tri- any. It is feared that these symptoms manifest on the bunal will decide. There was one of the remarks of the part of some a wish to press this question through the Senator Mr. F. felt himself bound promptly to notice, lest Senate, that it may have an important bearing on another his silence might be construed into acquiescence. The measure which will probably come up, with which this is President is charged with inconsistency of opinion in the intimately connected. My allusion, sir, is to a reduction cases of South Carolina and Georgia. of the duties on imports. It is my intention to abstain [Mr. C. explained. He alluded only to the opinion that from any remarks on this interesting, too exciting, and, the Supreme Court was a final arbiter.] I had almost said, awful subject I have alluded to it for Mr. F. said it was not important as to the extent of the the purpose of giving it as my opinion, and I submit it allusion. As the sole representative at present [Govern- with deference to the Senate, that, under existing cir or TROUP is confined by indisposition] of Georgia, he cumstances, no obstacle should be permitted to intervene must protest against the case of Georgia being confound-between us and the adjustment, and the speedy adjust ed with that of South Carolina. He had, on a former oc- ment, of that question. It is thought that the amount of

JAN. 16, 1833.]

Public Lands.

[SENATE.

duties may be reduced six millions; let this bill pass,nishes innumerable instances. It was the thirty pieces of and we shall instantly be told that the, estimate made is silver which procured the surrender of the Saviour of incorrect-that three millions arising from the sales of the universe.

If I

public lands having been abstracted, a deduction of fifty The honorable Senator from Kentucky [Mr. CLAY] per cent. from the estimate must be made. The three has pictured in glowing colors the beautiful prospect of millions being taken away, other three millions, arising this Union cemented in more perfect amity for ages to from the duties on imports, must supply the place of it. come by the interest which each State will have in the That there is no difference between taking this money distribution of the funds from these public lands. and other money from the treasury, to the amount of thought a consummation so desirable could be realized, no current disbursements, on account of land, is too palpa- objection would be made, although it were all at our exble to be denied. The officers attached to the Land pense. I should fear to call in the assistance of the sorOffice Department are to be quartered on the treasury. did passion of avarice to the noble feeling of patriotism. Their salaries, amounting annually to all the heretofore considered the best security of our Union. It expense of surveying and bringing the land to sale, the would be safer to depend for the permanency of our expense of making future Indian treaties, and, if those are Union upon that high veneration which all must feel for already made, (the amount requisite for which is estimat- those institutions bequeathed to us by our ancestors, the ed at near two and a half millions,) the expense of an-rich purchase of their blood; upon that love which one nuities to Indians, with which the lands properly stand portion of our country must bear to those of another, as chargeable, are to be paid by the operations of the cus- brethren and countrymen; upon that pride to which the tom-house. To meet all these demands, under our pre- bosom of no true American is a stranger, when he looks sent engagements, nearly one and a half millions will be upon this his country and native land. Our country, gorequired annually for several years. An increase on verned by the constitution and just laws, must always prethis sum, in effecting other Indian treaties, and carrying sent an object of veneration, love, and pride. Our Gothem into effect, may be expected to a large amount, vernment is a noble model from the hands of masters. Its which, in a few years, coupled with the common current ruin would be that of a mighty fabric; an unenviable imexpense on account of the public lands, will make a mortality is secured to him who procures its downfall; his considerable outlet for the surplus revenue, which, at pre-case will be parallel with that of the dark angel of heasent, threatens to become troublesome on our hands. If ven, and his doom will be the same. I hope, sir, not to this goes into operation, we expect, in future, to hear see the day when my country shall be divided into disno more resolutions to suspend the surveys of the public tinct communities, or States, separated by irreconcilable land, but any and every expense relating to lands borne jealousies and eternal wars. I will not enlarge on this without a murmur, so long as it is not to come out of unwelcome topic. There is a legal question arising on this distribution fund. The South has complained, and the construction of the acts of cession of the several justly too, of the unequal operation of the present system States. The lands are declared to be a fund, after the of revenue laws. It is unequal, unjust, and oppressive. payment of the revolutionary debt, for the benefit of all, Its baneful effects upon the prosperity of the South have the States ceding the lands included. The Government, been severely felt, while the collection of revenue was though having a general power to dispose of the lands, confined to a sufficient sum to pay the necessary disburse- is yet charged with the trust to see that the lands, or the ments of the Government, and a portion yearly of the proceeds, are disposed of for the benefit and advantage national debt. Against this oppression they have remon-of all. Would not this be a transfer of the trusteeship strated times almost without number, with no effect.. This to the different States? Would it not be substituting measure, in addition to paying to the revenue as here- them, instead of the Government, to see that the object tofore, will have the effect in its operation to force out of of the grant be effected? Whether these lands, or the them yearly a sum for distribution among the States. Why money arising from the sale of them, be disposed of for the add injustice to that already complained of? Will it not, benefit and advantage of all, must depend upon the use particularly at such a time as this, be received ungra- or disposition made of the lands or money. If a State ciously? Sir, it was the last pound added to the burden should expend the money on internal improvements of a of the camel which destroyed the animal. local nature, or on some work suggested by whim or de

Have gentlemen well considered this system of distri- sire of popularity, it would not be contended that this exbuting money among the States in all its tendencies and penditure would be for the general good. The power to consequences? Have they fully weighed all the bear-appropriate the funds on internal improvements, given ings which it will naturally have, or be made to have, on by this bill to the several States, is not confined to that our relations between State and Federal Governments? description which will be generally beneficial. As to coCan gentlemen give us any assurance that, this sum being lonization being of general benefit, the remarks of my at first distributed, other and larger amounts will not be friend from Kentucky [Mr. BIBB] have been full and demanded, and the strong arm of the Government made sufficient. Power is also given to the States to pay off use of to raise the money? Can we be assured that the their old debts with this money, without reference to General Government, having the power to raise funds the objects on account of which the money for which and distribute them, will not in time be enabled to buy the debt was contracted had been expended, and withup the assent of the States to the exercise of any and out reference to the nature of the debt itself. It may be every power? I think my friend from Kentucky, [Mr. that the States, some or all of them, will appropriate the BB,] when he spoke of force being necessary to carry money in such way as to be for the benefit and advantage down this system, if he had looked into futurity, would of all; but that they have the power to do otherwise is have seen a period not far distant when it will be uncalled too apparent. The claim which some of the new States for. By a plentiful use of the silver, there will be no have set up to the right both of jurisdiction and property necessity for the steel. Sir, we are, I fear, on the eve over the public domain, has a direct bearing on this mea of taking a step in national policy, the full effect of which sure. The States of Indiana and Mississippi, by solemn after generations will alone be able to determine. The resolutions of their Legislatures, have asserted this claim. desire of gain and aggrandizement, although planted in the The Governor of Illinois, in his annual message, set up human bosom for the wisest of purposes, is yet a dan- the claim of that State. I am not prepared to urge any gerous passion. Who can tell to what dereliction of thing in favor of this pretension, but honorable Senators principle the corrupt and corrupting use of money will who represent those States cannot vote for this measure not lead? The history of our own and former times fur- without an entire surrender of all such right claimed by

SENATE.]

these States. This would be an exercise of power over encourage the settlement of the country, and gave to these lands entirely inconsistent with the ownership on every citizen who would settle the land as much as was the part of the States. Another objection to this bill necessary for his comfort and convenience. France and arises on the part of the new States, on the ground of ex- Great Britain, in different portions of the country, did the pediency. It will have a tendency to perpetuate the pre-same. The republic of Mexico, by holding out the same sent high price of the public land, when all the States inducement, is drawing daily to its territory numbers of shall become directly interested in the amount of the our respectable citizens. In that section of the country sale. They will then hoard the lands up as their particu- where the public domain was thus disposed of by France lar and special treasure, offering for sale only small quan- and Spain, previous to the purchase by the United States, tities, and forcing off the inferior land at the same price the advantage which the country derived from it is apwith the good. Indeed, we have been told in this debate parent at the present day. Every man there is a freethat this is to be a source of revenue to the States for five holder, interested in the soil, and his house and home is hundred years. We need not expect to see the prices his own. That portion of the territory which subsereduced and graduated if this measure be successful. quently fell within the limits of the State of Mississippi, We have seen, with the present system in force, that our although poor, is well settled by inhabitants who are socomplaints on this subject have not been listened to, and ber, industrious, and hospitable. If the land had not our memorials have gone unheeded. been given away, it would never have been settled. The The gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. CLAY] has told us settlement of Kentucky was greatly accelerated by the in his speech and in his report, that the price of the pub- terms on which the lands were disposed of, under different lic land ought not to be reduced; that the large quantity regulations. Settlements were encouraged; the prices remaining unsold is no evidence that the land is worth were graduated at different times, until it was eventually less than the minimum price; but that it is for the want of sold to settlers at twenty-five cents the acre. Although demand. It is admitted that there is a large quantity of the honorable Senator from Kentucky [Mr. CLAY] has public land sold yearly of better quality than the large spoken in somewhat humble terms of the improvements bodies which remain unsold. The reason of large quan- made by the first settlers, yet I do not doubt but that tities remaining on hand, for which there are no purcha- much of the comfort and prosperity of the yeomanry of sers, is found in the want of quality in the land itself. I that State is attributable to their having obtained lands, will illustrate my idea of the state of the case by a familiar, on account of these improvements thought so inconsi and, I think, a parallel example. Suppose a merchant derable. In the State of Maine, lands of inferior quality ships large quantities of goods, (Kentucky bagging, if you were disposed of at thirty cents. There is no doubt please;) he sells all, except one lot, at a particular price; but the honorable Senators from that State have seen the that lot remains on hand after all is sold, and while others happy influence on their prosperity, produced by the are selling daily in the same market lots of the same cheapness of land. Will they, having seen these advangoods at the same price; in a short time the merchant would begin to conclude that there was something in the quality of the goods on hand which caused them not to sell. Now, if the shipper were wealthy, and able to engross all the goods of this description in market, he might be enabled to force off the inferior for the same price that the superior article sold at, by making a high demand in market. In the same manner the inferior lands may be forced at the price of superior quality. This does not prove that those lands are now worth the minimum price, but that they may in time be forced off at it, by holding them up. I will submit whether it is the part of a paternal Government, anxious to foster the interests of all alike, The Government is required, by the act of cession of to act the part of the stock-jobbing monopolizer; instead Georgia, to "dispose" of them. The Government is not of disposing of the land at the price which it is now to hold them forever without offering them for sale, nor worth, to hold them up for a better price, for ages, to the to offer them at prices at which they will not sell; which great injury of the poor people within the limits of the amounts, in fact, to not offering them at all; but to "disState in which they are situated, and to the disadvantage pose of them" for the common benefit. of the States themselves? What is the opinion on this The five hundred thousand acres is thrown, into one subject of the States in which these lands are situated? section of the bill as a douceur for those States for whom The States of Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, Indiana, it is intended; but it will be recollected that this is their Illinois, and Missouri, have, by frequent memorials, de- proportionate part with the other new States for objects clared that the prices should be graduated and reduced; of internal improvements. The State of Ohio has rethat holding up the refuse lands within their limits ceived 922,937 acres, Indiana 384,728, Illinois 480,000, operates injuriously, by retarding their growth, and and Alabama 400,000 acres. These donations have been keeping many of their citizens from becoming freehold made for specific internal improvements, the completion In support of these opinions, frequently expressed, of which, it was thought, would advance the prosperity the returns of the registers and receivers, making an of the States in which they were severally undertaken, estimate of the average value of the public lands, show and at the same time enhance the value of the public it to be in every State far below the minimum price. Not land. When it can be shown that both these great obmore than one-twentieth part of the vacant land is said jects can be effected, there can be no objection, either to be of first quality in any State, and the average value on the score of principle, or constitutional objection, to in some of the States not more than thirty cents, and in the State of Mississippi receiving a similar donation. We none, I think, more than one-half the minimum price. From an extensive acquaintance with the public lands in the Southwest, I am of opinion that the estimate made by most of those officers is much too high.

ers.

tages, unite with others in perpetuating on us an onerous system? In the States of Alabama, Mississippi, and Lou isiana, it is an object of great importance that the lands of inferior quality shall be offered at such prices as will induce the settlement of them. The most fertile land is settled by rich planters, having numbers of slaves; the second-rate land is taken up exclusively by those who have few or no slaves. The general settlement of these lands will add greatly to the strength and security of the whole State. Those portions of the State having a dense colored population will be protected by the proximity of the white population on these lands.

expect to be able to show, within the State of Mississippi, objects of internal improvement which will command the favorable attention of Congress; and we expect that the same liberality and principle which dictated the propriety The policy pursued by this Government never was of these liberal grants to other States will also accord followed by any other under the sun. When Spain held the same for Mississippi. Unless, on the same showing of a part of the Southwest, she thought it her interest to facts which induced these donations, a similar benefit, in