FEB. 25, 1833.] The Tariff. [SENATE. tioned this change. The entire breaking up of the print- with pleasure and pride, co-operated in the public service ing establishments for printing calicoes would be one of with the Senator from Massachusetts; and I have found the consequences of the passage of the bill; and in proof him faithful, enlightened, and patriotic. I have not a he read some extracts from a memorial of the Lowell ma- particle of doubt as to the pure and elevated motives nufacturers. These institutions might survive the three which actuate him. Under these circumstances, it gives first reductions, but the fourth would be fatal to them. me deep and lasting regret to find myself compelled to On the spinning and weaving, the effect, if not so disas- differ from him as to a measure involving vital interests, trous, would scarcely be less objectionable. The large and perhaps the safety of the Union. On the other hand, capitalists in that branch would be able to make money by I derive great consolation from finding myself, on this ocbreaking down all young and enterprising establishments.casion, in the midst of friends with whom I have long actIn reference to woollens, with a duty of twenty per cent. ed, in peace and in war, and especially with the honoron woollens, and twenty per cent. on wool, it is impossible able Senator from Maine, [Mr. HOLMES,] with whom I had that they can stand. The depreciation of property would the happiness to unite in a memorable instance. It was be the first consequence, and the depreciation of credit in this very chamber, that Senator presiding in the comthe next; and, by the surrender of their interests, long mittee of the Senate, and I in the committee of twentybefore this beneficent home valuation can come to their four of the House of Representatives, on a Sabbath day, relief, their eyes will be sealed in death. As to iron, Eng- that the terms were adjusted, by which the compromise lish or Welch iron costs twenty-six dollars a ton, and the was effected of the Missouri question. Then the dark supply is inexhaustible. Iron in Russia and Sweden costs clouds that hung over our beloved country were dispersforty dollars a ton. English iron has been taxed thirty ed; and now the thunders from others not less threatendollars, and Baltic iron eighteen dollars a ton. The ing, and which have been longer accumulating, will, I change from specific to ad valorem duty will work an in- hope, roll over us harmless and without injury. jurious change. He believed that this surrender once made, we could never return to the present state of things, without such a struggle as would shake the country much more than any thing has yet shaken it. The Senator from Massachusetts objects to the bill under consideration on various grounds. He argues that it imposes unjustifiable restraints on the power of future legislation; that it abandons the protective policy; and that He might be wrong. There might be no pledge, no the details of the bill are practically defective. He does constitutional objection; but, if so, why this bill? The not object to the gradual, but very inconsiderable, reducpeople will not expect the passage of this bill. There tion of duties which is made prior to 1842. To that he was no expectation at the commencement of this short could not object; because it is a species of prospective session that such a bill would be passed. The Senate had provision, as he admits, in conformity with numerous prenot had time to know the pleasure of their masters. No cedents on our statute book. He does not object so much opportunity had been offered for obtaining a knowledge to the state of the proposed law prior to 1842, during a either of the course of public opinion, or the effect of this period of nine years; but, throwing himself forward to measure on the public interests. It was said the next the termination of that period, he contends that ConCongress would pass this bill if it were not passed now.gress will then find itself under inconvenient shackles, imHe did not fear the next Congress; but if that body should posed by our indiscretion. In the first place, I would rechoose to undo what was now done, it would have the mark, that the bill contains no obligatory pledges; it power so to do. could make none; none are attempted. The power over If it was true, as the Senator from Kentucky believed, the subject is in the constitution; put there by those who that the intention of South Carolina was merely to enter formed it, and liable to be taken out only by an amendinto a law-suit with the United States, then there was no ment of the instrument. The next Congress, and every necessity for this sacrifice of great interests. He believed succeeding Congress, will undoubtedly have the power to that if this bill should become a law, there will be an ac- repeal the law whenever they may think proper. Whether tion on the part of the people at the next session to over- they will exercise it or not, will depend upon a sound disthrow it. It will not be all requiem and lullaby when this cretion, applied to the state of the whole country, and esbill shall be passed. On the contrary, he believed there timating fairly the consequences of the repeal, both upon would be discord and discontent. He had already ex- the general harmony and the common interests. Then the pressed his views as to reduction in his resolutions. He bill is founded in a spirit of compromise. Now, in all believed there ought to be a reduction to the point of ne- compromises there must be mutual concessions. The cessary revenue; and that, as soon as that point could be friends of free trade insist that duties should be laid in reascertained, any Congress would be able to make a tariff ference to revenue alone. The friends of American inwhich would suit the country. The estimates of the Se-dustry say that another, if not paramount, object in laying cretary of the Treasury, as to the point of revenue, vary them, should be to diminish the consumption of foreign, materially from those of others; but if the true point could be ascertained, he thought Congress might at once proceed to an adjustment of the tariff with a prospect of success. and increase that of domestic products. On this point the parties divide, and, between these two opposite opinions, a reconciliation is to be effected, if it can be accomplished. The bill assumes, as a basis, adequate protection for nine years, and less beyond that term. The friends of protec tion say to their opponents, we are willing to take a lease of nine years, with the long chapter of accidents beyond that period, including the chance of war, the restoration of concord, and along with it a conviction, common to all, of the utility of protection; and, in consideration of it, if, in 1842, none of these contingencies shall have been realized, we are willing to submit, as long as Congress may think proper, to a maximum rate of twenty per cent. with As he had commenced with doing justice to the motives of the gentlemen on the other side, he asked that equal justice might be done to him in the opposition which he was compelled to make to a measure which had been ushered in with so much profession of peace and harmony. He would do as much to satisfy South Carolina as any man. He would take this tariff, and cut it down to the bone: but he did not wish to rush into untried systems. He believed that his constituents would excuse him for surrendering their interests, but they would not forgive a power of discrimination below it, cash duties, home vahim for a violation of the constitution. Mr. CLAY rose, in reply to Mr. WEBSTER, and said: Being anxious, Mr. President, that this bill should pass, and pass this day, I will abridge as much as I can the observations which I am called upon to make. I have long, luations, and a liberal list of free articles, for the benefit of the manufacturing interest. To these conditions the opponents of protection are ready to accede. The measure is what it professes to be-a compromise; but it imposes, and could impose, no restriction upon the will or SENATE.] The Tariff. [FEB. 25, 1833. power of a future Congress. Doubtless great respect will sinking fund to extinguish the public debt. If the pubbe paid, as it ought to be paid, to the serious condition of lic debt remained undischarged, or we had any other the country that has prompted the passage of this bill. proper and practical mode of appropriating the surplus Any future Congress that might disturb this adjustment revenue, the form of protection, by high duties, might be would act under a high responsibility; but it would be continued without public detriment. It is the payment entirely within its competency to repeal, if it thought of the public debt, then, and the arrest of internal improper, the whole bill. provements by the exercise of the veto, that unsettle that It is far from the object of those who support this bill specific form of protection. Nobody supposes, or proto abandon or surrender the policy of protecting Ameri- poses, that we should continue to levy, by means of high can industry. Its protection or encouragement may be duties, a large annual surplus, of which no practical use accomplished in various ways. 1st. By bounties, as far can be made, for the sake of the incidental protection as they are within the constitutional power of Congress to which they afford. The Secretary of the Treasury estioffer them. 2d. By prohibitions, totally excluding the mates that surplus, on the existing scale of duties, and foreign rival article. 3d. By high duties, without regard with the other sources of revenue, at six millions annually. to the aggregate amount of revenue which they produce. An annual accumulation, at that rate, would, in a few 4th. By discriminating duties, so adjusted as to limit the years, bring into the treasury the whole currency of the revenue to the economical wants of Government. And country, to lie there inactive and dormant. 5th. By the admission of the raw material, and articles This view of the condition of the country has impressessential to manufactures, free of duty. To which may be ed every public man with the necessity of some modifica added cash duties, home valuations, and the regulations of tion of the principle of protection, so far as it depends auctions. A perfect system of protection would compre- upon high duties. The Senator from Massachusetts feels hend most, if not all, of these modes of affording it. There it; and hence, in the resolutions which he submitted, he might be, at this time, a prohibition of certain articles, proposes to reduce the duties, so as to limit the amount of (ardent spirits and coarse cottons, for example,) to pub- the revenue to the wants of the Government. With him, lic advantage. If there were not inveterate prejudices revenue is the principal, protection the subordinate oband conflicting opinions prevailing, (and what statesman ject. If protection cannot be enjoyed after such a reduccan totally disregard impediments of that character?) such tion of duties as he thinks ought to be made, it is not to be a compound system might be established. extended. He says specific duties, and the power of disNow, Mr. President, before the assertion is made that crimination, are preserved by his resolutions. So they the bill surrenders the protective policy, gentlemen may be under the operation of the bill. The only differ should understand perfectly what it does not, as well as ence between the two schemes is, that the bill, in the what it does propose. It impairs no power of Congress maximum which it provides, suggests a certain limit; over the whole subject; it contains no promise or pledge whilst his resolutions lay down none. Below that maxiwhatever, express or implied, as to bounties, prohibitions, mum, the principle of discrimination and specific duties or auctions; it does not touch the power of Congress in may be applied. The Senator from Pennsylvania, [Mr. regard to them, and Congress is perfectly free to exercise DALLAS,] who, equally with the Senator from Massachu that power at any time; it expressly recognises discrimi-setts, is opposed to this bill, would have agreed to the bill nating duties within a prescribed limit; it provides for if it had fixed thirty instead of twenty per cent.; and he cash duties and home valuations; and it secures a free list, would have dispensed with home valuation, and come embracing numerous articles, some of high importance to down to the revenue standard in five or six years. Now, the manufacturing arts. Of all the modes of protection Mr. President, I prefer, and I think the manufacturing inwhich I have enumerated, it affects only the third; that is terest will prefer, nine years of adequate protection, to say, the imposition of high duties, producing a revenue home valuations, and twenty per cent., to the plan of the beyond the wants of Government. The Senator from Senator from Pennsylvania. Massachusetts contends that the policy of protection was Mr. President, I want to be perfectly understood as to settled in 1816, and that it has ever since been maintained. the motives which have prompted me to offer this mea Sir, it was settled long before 1816. It is coeval with sure. I repeat what I said on the introduction of it, that the present constitution, and it will continue, under some they are, first, to preserve the manufacturing interest; of its various aspects, during the existence of the Govern- and, secondly, to quiet the country. I believe the Amement. No nation can exist, no nation, perhaps, ever ex- rican system to be in the greatest danger; and I believe it isted, without protection, in some form, and to some ex- can be placed on a better and safer foundation at this ses tent, being applied to its own industry. The direct and sion than at the next. I heard, with surprise, my friend necessary consequence of abandoning the protection of from Massachusetts say that nothing had occurred within its own industry, would be to subject it to the restrictions the last six months to increase its hazard. I entreat him and prohibitions of foreign Powers; and no nation, for to review that opinion. Is it correct? Is the issue of any length of time, can endure an alien legislation, in numerous elections, including that of the highest officer which it has no will. The discontents which prevail, of the Government, nothing? Is the explicit recommenand the safety of the republic, may require the modificadation of that officer, in his message at the opening of the tion of a specific mode of protection; but it must be pre- session, sustained, as he is, by a recent triumphant elec served in some other more acceptable shape. tion, nothing? Is his declaration in his proclamation, that All that was settled in 1816, in 1824, and in 1828, was, the burdens of the South ought to be relieved, nothing' that protection should be afforded by high duties, without Is the introduction of the bill in the House of Representaregard to the amount of the revenue which they might tives during this session, sanctioned by the head of the yield. During that whole period, we had a public debt Treasury and the administration, prostrating the greater which absorbed all the surpluses beyond the ordinary part of the manufactures of the country, nothing? Are wants of Government. Between 1816 and 1824 the re- the increasing discontents, nothing? Is the tendency of venue was liable to great fluctuations, vibrating between recent events to unite the whole South, nothing? What the extremes of about nineteen and thirty-six millions of have we not witnessed in this chamber? Friends of the dollars. If there were more revenue, more debt was administration bursting all the ties which seemed indissolu paid; if less, a smaller amount was reimbursed. Such bly to unite them to its chief, and, with few exceptions was sometimes the deficiency of the revenue, that it be- south of the Potomac, opposing, and vehemently opposcame necessary, for the ordinary expenses of Government, ing, a favorite measure of that administration, which three to trench upon the ten millions annually set apart as a short months ago they contributed to establish! Let us not deceive ourselves. Now is the time to adjust the question in a manner satisfactory to both parties. Put it off until the next session, and the alternative may, and probably then would be, a speedy and ruinous reduction of the tariff, or a civil war with the entire South. [SENATE. ly invested with power to protect domestic industry, it is a question of mere expediency as to the form, the degree, and the time that the protection shall be afforded. In weiging all the considerations which should control and regulate the exercise of that power, we ought not to overIt is well known that the majority of the dominant party look what is due to those who honestly entertain opposite is adverse to the tariff. There are many honorable ex- opinions to large masses of the community, and to deep, ceptions, the Senator from New Jersey [Mr. DICKERSON] long-cherished, and growing prejudices. Perceiving, among them. But for the exertions of the other party, ourselves, no constitutional impediment, we have less dif the tariff would have been long since sacrificed. Now, ficulty in accommodating ourselves to the sense of the let us look at the composition of the two branches of people of the United States upon this interesting subject. Congress at the next session. In this body we lose three I do believe that a majority of them are in favor of this pofriends of the protective policy, without being sure of licy; but I am induced to believe this almost against evigaining one. Here, judging from the present appear-dence. Two States in New England, which had been in ances, we shall, at the next session, be in the minority. favor of the system, have recently come out against it. In the House it is notorious that there is a considerable ac- Other States of the North and the East have shown a recession to the number of the dominant party. How, then, markable indifference to its preservation. If, indeed, I ask, is the system to be sustained against numbers, they have wished to preserve it, they have nevertheless against the whole weight of the administration, against placed the powers of Government in hands which ordinathe united South, and against the increased impend-ry information must have assured them were rather a haing danger of civil war? There is, indeed, one con-zardous depository. With us in the West, although we tingency that might save it, but that is too uncertain are not without some direct, and considerable indirect, into rely upon. A certain class of Northern politicians, pro- terest in the system, we have supported it more upon nafessing friendship to the tariff, have been charged with tional than sectional grounds. being secretly inimical to it, for political purposes. They Meantime, the opposition of a large and respectable may change their ground, and come out open and undis- section of the Union, stimulated by political success, has guised supporters of the system. They may even find in increased, and is increasing. Discontents are multiplying, the measure which I have brought forward a motive for and assuming new and dangerous aspects. They have their conversion. Sir, I shall rejoice in it, from whatever been cherished by the course and hopes inspired during cause it may proceed. And if they can give greater this administration, which, at the very moment that it strength and durability to the system, and at the same time threatens and recommends the use of the power of the quiet the discontents of its opponents, I shall rejoice still whole Union, proclaims aloud the injustice of the system more. They shall not find me disposed to abandon it, which it would enforce. These discontents are not limitbecause it has drawn succor from an unexpected quarter. ed to those who maintain the extravagant theory of nulliNo, Mr. President; it is not destruction but preserva- fication; they are not confined to one State; they are cotion of the system at which we aim. If dangers now as- extensive with the entire South, and extend even to sail it, we have not created them. I have sustained it Northern States. It has been intimated by the Senator upon the strongest and clearest convictions of its expe- from Massachusetts, that, if we legislate at this session on diency. They are entirely unaltered. Had others, who the tariff, we would seem to legislate under the influence avow attachment to it, supported it with equal zeal and of a panic. I believe, Mr. President, I am not more senstraightforwardness, it would be now free from embar-sible to danger of any kind than my fellow-men are generassment; but with them it has been a secondary interest. rally. It, perhaps, requires as much moral courage to leI utter no complaints--I make no reproaches. I wish gislate under the imputation of a panic, as to refrain from only to defend myself now, as heretofore, against unjust it lest such an imputation should be made. But he who assaults. I have been represented as the father of this regards the present question as being limited to South Casystem, and I am charged with an unnatural abandon-rolina alone, takes a view of it much too contracted. ment of my own offspring. I have never arrogated to There is a sympathy of feeling and interest throughout myself any such intimate relation to it. I have, indeed, the whole South. Other Southern States may differ from cherished it with parental fondness, and my affection is that as to the remedy to be now used, but all agree (great undiminished. But in what condition do I find this child? as in my humble judgment is their error) in the substantial It is in the hands of the Philistines, who would strangle justice of the cause. Can there be a doubt that those who it. I fly to its rescue, to snatch it from their custody, think in common will sooner or later act in concert? and to place it on a bed of security and repose for nine Events are on the wing, and hastening this co-operation. years, where it may grow and strengthen, and become Since the commencement of this session, the most poweracceptable to the whole people. I behold a torch about ful Southern member of the Union has taken a measure being applied to a favorite edifice, and I would save it, if which cannot fail to lead to important consequences. She possible, before it was wrapt in flames, or at least pre- has deputed one of her most distinguished citizens to request serve the precious furniture which it contains. I wish to a suspension of measures of resistance. No attentive obsee the tariff separated from the politics of the country, server can doubt that the suspension will be made. Well, that business men may go to work in security, with some sir, suppose it takes place, and Congress should fail at the prospect of stability in our laws, and without every thing next session to afford the redress which will be solicited; being staked on the issue of elections, as it were on the what course would every principle of honor, and every hazards of the die. consideration of the interests of Virginia, as she underAnd the other leading object which has prompted the stands them, exact from her? Would she not make comintroduction of this measure, the tranquillizing of the mon cause with South Carolina; and, if she did, would country, is no less important. All wise, human legisla- not the entire South eventually become parties to the contion must consult, in some degree, the passions, and preju- test? The rest of the Union might put down the South, dices, and feelings, as well as the interests of the people. and reduce it to submission; but, to say nothing of the unIt would be vain and foolish to proceed, at all times, and certainty and hazards of all war, is that a desirable state under all circumstances, upon the notion of absolute certain-of things? Ought it not to be avoided if it can be honorty in any system, or infallibility in any dogma, and to push ably prevented? I am not one of those who think that we these out without regard to any consequences. With us, must rely exclusively upon moral power, and never resort who entertain the opinion that Congress is constitutional to physical force. I know too well the frailties and follies SENATE.] The Tariff. [FEB. 25, 1833. of man, in his collective as well as individual character, to provisions to secure, reasonable protection beyond 1842. reject, in all possible cases, the employment of force; but I cannot know, I pretend not to know, what will then be I do think, that, when resorted to, especially among the the actual condition of this country, and of the manufac members of a confederacy, it should manifestly appear to turing arts, and their relative condition to the rest of the be the only remaining appeal. world. I would as soon confide in the forecast of the ho But, suppose the present Congress terminate without norable Senator from Massachusetts, as in that of any any adjustment of the tariff, let us see in what condition other man in this Senate, or in this country; but he, nor its friends will find themselves at the next session. South any one else, can tell what that condition will then be. Carolina will have postponed the execution of the law The degree of protection which will be required for dopassed to carry into effect her ordinance until the end of mestic industry beyond 1842 depends upon the reduction that session. All will be quiet in the South for the pre-of wages, the accumulation of capital, the improvement sent. The President, in his opening message, will urge in skill, the perfection of machinery, and the cheapening that justice, as he terms it, be done to the South, and that of the price, at home, of essential articles, such as fuel, the burdens imposed upon it by the tariff be removed. iron, &c. I do not think that the honorable Senator can The whole weight of the administration, the united South, throw himself forward to 1842, and tell us what, in all and majorities of the dominant party in both branches of these particulars, will be the state of this country, and its Congress, will be found in active co-operation. Will the relative state to other countries. We know that, in all gentleman from Massachusetts tell me how we are to save human probability, our numbers will be increased by an the tariff against this united and irresistible force? They addition of one-third, at least, to their present amount; will accuse us of indifference to the preservation of the and that may materially reduce wages. We have reason Union, and of being willing to expose the country to the to believe that our capital will be augmented, or skill im dangers of civil war. The fact of South Carolina post-proved; and we know that great progress has been made, poning her ordinance, at the instance of Virginia, and once and is making, in machinery. There is a constant tendenmore appealing to the justice of Congress, will be pressed cy to decrease in the price of iron and coal. The openwith great emphasis and effect. It does appear to me ing of new mines and new channels of communicaimpossible that we can prevent a most injurious modification must continue to lower it. The successful introduc tion of the tariff at the next session; and that this is the tion of the process of coking would have great effect. favorable moment for an equitable arrangement of it. The price of these articles, one of the most opulent and have been subjected to animadversion for the admission of intelligent manufacturing houses in this country assures the fact, that at the next session our opponents will be me, is a principal cause of the present necessity of prostronger, and the friends of the American system weaker tection to the cotton interest; and that house is strongly than they are in this Congress. But is it not so? And is inclined to think that twenty per cent., with the other adit not the duty of every man who aspires to be a states-vantages secured in this bill, may do beyond 1842. Then, man to look at naked facts as they really are? Must he sir, what effect may not convulsions and revolutions in suppress them? Ought he, like children, to throw the Europe, if any should arise, produce? I am far from decounterpane over his eyes, and persuade himself that he siring them, that our country may profit by their occuris secure from danger? Are not our opponents as well rence. Her greatness and glory rest, I hope, upon a informed as we are about their own strength? more solid and more generous basis. But we cannot shut If we adjourn, without any permanent settlement of the our eyes to the fact, that our greatest manufacturing as tariff, in what painful suspense and terrible uncertainty well as commercial competitor is undergoing a momenshall we not leave the manufacturers and business men tous political experiment, the issue of which is far from of the country? All eyes will be turned, with trembling being absolutely certain. Who can raise the veil of the and fear, to the next session. Operations will be circum-succeeding nine years, and show what, at their terminascribed, and new enterprises checked; or, if otherwise, tion, will be the degree of competition which Great Bri ruin and bankruptcy may be the consequence. I believe, tain can exercise towards us in the manufacturing arts? sir, this measure, which offers a reasonable guaranty for Suppose, in the progress of gradual descent towards permanency and stability, will be hailed by practical men the revenue standard, for which this bill provides, it with pleasure. The political manufacturers may be against should, some years hence, become evident that further it, but it will command the approbation of a large majori-protection, beyond 1842, than that which it contemplates, ty of the business manufacturers of the country. may be necessary; can it be doubted that, in some form or But the objections of the honorable Senator from Mas-other, it will be applied? Our misfortune has been, and sachusetts are principally directed to the period beyond yet is, that the public mind has been constantly kept in a 1842. During the intermediate time, there is every rea- state of feverish excitement in respect to this system of son to hope and believe that the bill secures adequate pro- policy. Conventions, elections, Congress, the public tection. All my information assures me of this; and it is press, have been for years all acting upon the tariff, and demonstrated by the fact, that, if the measure of protec- the tariff acting upon them all. Prejudices have been tion, secured prior to the 31st of December, 1841, were excited, passions kindled, and mutual irritations carried permanent, or if the bill were even silent beyond that to the highest pitch of exasperation, insomuch that good period, it would command the cordial and unanimous con- feelings have been almost extinguished, and the voice of currence of the friends of the policy. What, then, di- reason and experience silenced, among the members of vides, what alarms us? It is what may possibly be the the confederacy. Let us separate the tariff from the agi state of things in the year one thousand eight hundred tating politics of the country, place it upon a stable and and forty-two, or subsequently! Now, sir, even if that firm foundation, and allow our enterprising countrymen should be as bad as the most vivid imagination or the most to demonstrate to the whole Union, by their skilful and eloquent tongue could depict it, if we have intermediate successful labors, the inappreciable value of the arts. If safety and security, it does not seem to me wise to rush they can have, what they have never yet enjoyed, some upon certain and present evils, because of those which, years of repose and tranquillity, they will make, silently, admitting their possibility, are very remote and contin- more converts to the policy than would be made during gent. What! Shall we not extinguish the flame which is a long period of anxious struggle and boisterous contenbursting through the roof that covers us, because, at some tion. Above all, I count upon the good effects resulting future and distant day, we may be again threatened with from a restoration of the harmony of this divided peopleconflagration? upon their good sense and their love of justice. Who can I do not admit that this bill abandons, or fails by its doubt, that when passions have subsided, and reason has FEB. 25, 1833.] The Tariff. [SENATE. below the maximum, and specific duties may also be imposed, provided they do not exceed it. resumed her empire, that there will be a disposition of laying duties. Discriminations are expressly recognised throughout the whole Union to render ample justice to all its parts? Who will believe that any section of this great confederacy would look with indifference to the The honorable Senator also contends that the bill is improstration of the interests of another section, by distant perfect, and that the execution of it will be impracticable. and selfish foreign nations, regardless alike of the welfare He asks, how is the excess above twenty per cent. to be of us all? No, sir; I have no fears beyond 1842. The ascertained on coarse and printed cottons, liable to minipeople of the United States are brethren, made to love mums of thirty and thirty-five cents, and subject to a duty and respect each other. Momentary causes may seem to of twenty-five per cent. ad valorem; and how is it to be alienate them, but, like family differences, they will ter- estimated in the case of specific duties? Sir, it is very minate in a closer and more affectionate union than ever. probable that the bill is not perfect, but I do not believe And how much more estimable will be a system of pro- that there is any thing impracticable in its execution. tection, based on common conviction and common con- Much will, however, depend upon the head of the Trea. sent, and planted in the bosoms of all, than one wrench-sury Department. In the instance of the cotton minied by power from reluctant and protesting weakness? mums, the statute having, by way of exception to the geThat such a system will be adopted, if it should be ne-neral ad valorem rule, declared, in certain cases, how the cessary, for the period of time subsequent to 1842, I will value shall be estimated, that statutory value ought to not doubt. But, in the scheme which I originally propos- govern; and, consequently, the twenty per cent. should be ed, I did not rely exclusively, great as my reliance is, exclusively deducted from the twenty-five per cent., beupon the operation of fraternal feelings, the return of rea-ing the rate of duties to which cottons generally are liable; son, and a sense of justice. That scheme contained an and the biennial tenths should be subtracted from the exappeal to the interests of the South. According to it, un-cess of five per cent. With regard to specific duties, it manufactured cotton was to be a free article after 1842. will, perhaps, be competent to the Secretary of the TreasuGentlemen from that quarter have again and again assert- ry, in the execution of the law, for the sake of certainty, ed that they were indifferent to the duty of three cents to adopt some average value founded upon importations per pound on cotton, and that they feared no foreign of a previous year. But if the value of each cargo, and competition. I have thought otherwise; but I was willing, every part of it, is to be ascertained, it would be no more by way of experiment, to take them at their word; not than what now is the operation in the case of woollens, that I was opposed to the protection of cotton, but be- silks, cottons above thirty and thirty-five cents, and a valieving that a few cargoes of foreign cotton introduced riety of other articles; and, consequently, there would be into our Northern ports, free of duty, would hasten our no impracticability in the law. Southern friends to come here and ask that protection for To all defects, however, real or imaginary, which may their great staple, which is wanted in other sections for be supposed will arise in the execution of the principles their interests. That feature in the scheme was stricken of the bill, I oppose one conclusive, and, I hope, satisfacout in the select committee, but not by the consent of my tory answer. friend from Delaware, [Mr. CLAYTON,] or myself. Still, month before the commencement of the law; and if, in Congress will be in session one whole after 1842, the South may want protection for sugar, for the mean time, omissions calling for further legislation tobacco, for Virginia coal, perhaps for cotton and other shall be discovered, there will be more time then than articles; whilst other quarters may need it for wool, wool- we have now to supply them. Let us, on this occasion lens, iron, and cotton fabrics; and these mutual wants, if of compromise, pursue the example of our fathers, who, they should exist, will lead, I hope, to some amicable ad- under the influence of the same spirit, in the adoption of justment of a tariff for that distant period, satisfactory to the constitution of the United States, determined to ratify all. The theory of protection supposes, too, that, after a it, and go for amendments afterwards. certain time, the protected arts will have acquired such To the argument of the Senator from Massachusetts, strength and perfection as will enable them subsequently, that this interest, and that and the other cannot be susunaided, to stand up against foreign competition. If, as I tained under the protection beyond 1842, I repeat the have no doubt, this should prove to be correct, it will, on answer, that no one can now tell what may then be necesthe arrival of 1842, encourage all parts of the Union to sary. That period will provide for itself. But I was consent to the continuance of longer protection to the few surprised to hear my friend singling out iron as an article articles which may then require it. that would be most injuriously affected by the operation The bill before us strongly recommends itself by its of this bill. If I am not greatly mistaken in my recolequity and impartiality. It favors no one interest, and no lection, he opposed and voted against the act of 1824, one State, by an unjust sacrifice of others. It deals equal- because of the high duty imposed on iron. But for that ly by all. Its basis is the act of July last. That act was duty, (and perhaps the duty on hemp,) which he then passed after careful and thorough investigation, and long considered threw an unreasonable burden upon the navideliberation, continued through several months. AI- gation of the country, he would have supported that act. though it may not have been perfect in its adjustment of Of all the articles to which protecting duties are applied, the proper measure of protection to each article which iron, and the manufactures of iron, enjoy the highest was supposed to merit it, it is not likely that, even with protection. During the term of nine years, the deducthe same length of time before us, we could make one tions from the duty are not such as seriously to impair more perfect. Assuming the justness of that act, the bill those great interests, unless all my information deceives preserves the respective proportions for which the act me; and beyond that period the remedy has been already provides, and subjects them all to the same equal but mo- indicated. Let me suppose that the anticipations which derate reduction, spread over the long space of nine years. I form upon the restoration of concord and confidence The Senator from Massachusetts contends that a great shall be all falsified; that neither the sense of fraternal part of the value of all protection is given up by dispens- affection nor common justice, nor even common interests, ing with specific duties and the principle of discrimina- will lead to an amicable adjustment of the tariff beyond tion. But much the most valuable articles of our domestic 1842. Let me suppose that period has arrived, and that manufactures (cotton and woollens, for example,) have the provisions of the bill shall be interpreted as an oblinever enjoyed the advantage of specific duties. They gatory pledge upon the Congress of that day; and let me have always been liable to ad valorem duties, with a very suppose, also, that a greater amount of protection than the limited application of the minimum principle. The bill bill provides is absolutely necessary to some interests; does not, however, even after 1842, surrender either mode what is to be done? Regarded as a pledge, it does not VOL. IX--47 |