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by Christian men as part of the service or the law of God, except that which is grounded in Holy Scripture of the New Testament, as some say, or as others say, in the New Testament and in that part of the Old Testament which the New has not revoked. They who hold this trowing, said Pecock, "if any clerk affirmeth to them any governance, being contrary to their wit or pleasance, though it lie full open and full surely in doom of reason, and therefore surely in moral law of kind, which is law of God, for to be done, yet they anon asken, Where groundest thou it in the New Testament?' or Where groundest thou it in Holy Scripture in such place which is not by the New Testament revoked?""

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The second trowing, or opinion, from which Pecock traced much undue blame of the clergy, was this: "That whatever Christian man or woman be meek in spirit and willy for to understand truly and duly Holy Scripture, shall, without fail and default, find the true understanding of Holy Scripture in whatever place he or she shall read and study, though it be in the Apocalypse or oughwhere else, and the more meek he or she be, the sooner he or she shall come into the very true and due understanding of it which in Holy Scripture he or she studieth. This second opinion they weenen to be grounded in Holy Scripture." Here Pecock quoted some of the passages on which it was based, adding that, "in other divers places of Scripture mention is made that God giveth good things to meek men more than if they were not so meek."

The third trowing, Pecock explained to be the opinion that no Christian should let reason of man overthrow the view of Scripture teaching that he or she had arrived at by such meek and faithful study. This trowing was founded upon admonitions of St. Paul, in the second chapter of the Epistle to the Colossians, and in the first chapter of the Epistle to the Corinthians. As Pecock quoted one of the warnings to the Colossians that was relied upon, the warning relied upon was, "See ye that no man beguile you by philosophy and vain falseness after the traditions of men and after the elements of the world, and not after Christ."

Against the first of these three trowings, Pecock proceeded to argue for thirteen conclusions. The first was that "It longeth not to Holy Scripture, neither it is his office into which God hath him' ordained, neither it is his part, for to ground any governance or deed or service of God, or any law of God, or any truth which man's reason by nature may find, learn and know." After setting forth six arguments to prove this conclusion he drew from it as a corollary, "that whenever and wherever in Holy Scripture or out of Holy Scripture be written any point or any governance of the said law of kind, it is more verily written in the book of man's soul than in the outward book of parchment or of vellum; and if any seeming discord be betwixt the words written in the outward book of Holy Scripture and the doom of reason

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written in man's soul and heart, the words so written without forth oughten to be expowned and be interpreted and brought for to accord with the doom of reason in thilk matter, and the doom of reason ought not for to be expowned, glosed, interpreted and brought for to accord with the said outward writing in Holy Scripture of the Bible or oughwhere else out of the Bible." Pecock referred to a previous book of his own on "The just apprising of Holy Scripture in which he had dwelt on that law of nature which it is not the work of Scripture to reveal, and he drew an illustration from the country people who came into London on Midsummer eve with carts full of branches of trees from Bishop's Wood, and flowers from the fields, for decoration of the houses of the citizens in remembrance of John the Baptist and of the prophecy that many should joy in his birth. Did they think that the branches and flowers grew from the hands of the country folk by which they were given, or from the carts in which they were brought? Though Christ himself and his Apostles were the bringers, "yet the men of London, receiving so those branches and flowers, oughten not say and feel that those branches and flowers grewen out of Christ's hands and out of the Apostles' hands. For why in this deed Christ and the Apostles diden none otherwise than as other men mighten and couthen do. But the said receivers oughten see and hold that the branches grewen out of the boughs upon which they in Bishop's Wood stooden, and those boughs grewen out of stocks or truncheons, and the truncheons or shafts grewen out of the root, and the root out of the next earth thereto upon which and in which the root is buried, so that neither the cart, neither the hands of the bringers, neither those bringers, ben the grounds or fundaments of the branches; and in like manner the field is the fundament of those flowers, and not the hands of the gatherers, neither those bringers. Certes, but if each man wole thus feel in this matter, he is duller than any man ought to be." So it is, said Pecock, with whatever we find of the natural law brought to us by Scripture. It is not the purpose of Scripture to bring us those truths which we should have still though all the Scriptures were burned. These belong to the Law of Nature; "they ben grounded in thilk forest of Law of Kind which God planteth in man's soul when he maketh him to His image and likeness.”

2 For why, because.

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3 In the first book of Richard Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity," published in 1593, is a like argument. "As the actions of men are of sundry distinct kinds, so the laws thereof must accordingly be distinguished. As that first error sheweth wherein our opposites in this cause have grounded themselves. For as they rightly maintain that God must be glorified in all things, and that the actions of men cannot tend unto His glory unless they be framed after His Law; so it is their error to think that the only Law which God hath appointed unto man in that belief is the Sacred Scripture. By that which we work naturally, as when we breathe, sleep, move, we set forth the glory of God as natural agents do, albeit we have no express purpose to make that our end, nor any advised determination therein to follow a law, but do that we do (for the most part) not as much as thinking thereon. In reasonable and moral actions another law taketh place; law by the observation whereof we glorify God in such sort as no creature else under man is able to do; because other creatures have not judgment to examine the quality of that which is done by them, and therefore in that they do they neither can accuse

The second of Pecock's thirteen conclusions against the first trowing of the blamers of the clergy, was that although Holy Scripture be not the ground of moral truths at which man's natural reason must arrive, "yet it may pertain well enough to Holy Scripture that he rehearse such now said governances and truths, and that he witness them as grounded somewhere else in the law of kind or doom of man's reason. And so he doth (as to each reader therein it may be open) that by thilk rehearsing and witnessing so done by Holy Scripture to men, those men shoulden be both remembered, stirred, provoked, and exhorted for to the rather perform and fulfil those same so rehearsed and witnessed governances and truths." The third principal conclusion was that the whole office and work into which God ordained Holy Scripture, is for to ground articles of faith, and for to rehearse and witness moral truths of law of kind grounded in moral philosophy, that is to say, in doom of reason." Of the articles of faith grounded in Scripture, some-as, that in the beginning God made Heaven and Earth-are not laws; and some -as, that each man ought to be baptized in water -are laws. The next point in the argument— the fourth conclusion-was that, as it is not the part of Scripture to ground laws of nature, so it is no part of the law of nature to ground articles of faith. Nevertheless--fifth conclusion-as Scripture rehearses and enforces the moral law of nature, so treatises on natural religion may rehearse and enforce articles of faith which are not grounded in them. The whole office and work of the books of moral philosophy is to express outwardly, by pen and ink, the truth, grounded on the inward book of law of kind, buried in man's soul and heart, and to rehearse some truths and conclusions of faith, grounded in Holy Scripture, that the readers be the more and often stirred and exhorted by the recital of them. That was the sixth conclusion; and the seventh went on to maintain that the greater part of God's whole law to man on earth is grounded outside Holy Scripture in the inward book of law of kind. Therefore Pecock's next conclusion washis eighth--that no man can know the whole law of God to which a Christian is bound, without knowledge of moral philosophy; and, ninth, no man without such knowledge could surely and sufficiently understand those parts of Holy Scripture which rehearse moral virtues not being positive law of faith. From these followed the tenth conclusion, that the learning of the said law of nature, and of the said moral philosophy, is necessary to Christian men if they will serve God aright. The articles of

faith themselves rest upon reason as well as Scripture ; and the Sacraments of the Church, Pecock urged, would not be grounded on Scripture for our governance without the help of reason, and unless the law of God in nature were joined to the law of God in Holy Writ. Pecock's eleventh conclusion was, therefore, that the laity ought to make much of clerks who had well studied that moral philosophy; and, twelfth conclusion, they should prize and study books based upon such assay and experience, which distinguished between those parts of the law of God which are and are not grounded in Scripture, and between those truths of faith which are and those which are not laws. His thirteenth and last conclusion, against the first of the three trowings of the laity, came then straight to the point that the question "Where findest thou it grounded in Scripture?" -is only applicable to those governances or truths involving articles of faith. To apply such a question to the statement of governance or truth grounded in law of nature or moral philosophy is, he said, as unreasonable as to ask Scripture authority for a truth in grammar, or to ask of a conclusion in saddlery"Where findest thou it grounded in tailor-craft?" "And," said Pecock, "if any man be feared lest he trespass to God if he make over little of Holy Scripture, which is the outward writing of the Old Testament and the New, I ask why is he not afeared lest he make over little, and apprise over little, the inward Scripture of the before-spoken law of kind, written by God Himself in man's soul, when he made man's soul to His image and likeness?"

Pecock next proceeded to the discussion of texts usually quoted in relation to his argument. He dwelt, also, on the effect produced upon those of the laity who had been enabled, by Wiclif and his fellow-workers, to read the Bible in their mother tongue. They had found it "miche delectable and sweete, and draweth the reders into a devocion and a love to God, and fro love and deinté of the world; as y have had herof experience upon such reders, and upon her1 now seid dispocioun." The delight and profit, and the lifting of their souls, led them to find all they needed in their Bibles, and to forget that there are truths of God written elsewhere, and reason given to man wherewith to find them, and apply them to his use. But reason is fallible Scripture infallible; to those who said, for that cause, Let not reason be our guide, the next part of the argument was addressed. This led to argument on the necessity of an instructed clergy, on the errors introduced by private exposition that destroyed Church unity. Here Pecock, in a passage that I give without change of spelling, spoke thus of

nor approve themselves. Men do both, as the Apostle teacheth; yea, those men which have no written Law of God to show what is good or evil carry written in their hearts the universal law of mankind, the Law of Reason, whereby they judge as by a rule which God hath given unto all men for that purpose. The Law of Reason doth somewhat direct men how to honour God as their Creator; but how to glorify God in such sort as is required to the end he may be an everlasting Saviour, this we are taught by Divine Law, which law both ascertaineth the truth and supplieth unto us the want of that other law. So that in moral actions, Divine law helpeth exceedingly the Law of Reason to guide man's life; but in supernatural it alone guideth."

DIVISIONS IN THE CHURCH.

"Certis in this wise and in this now seid maner and bi this now seid cause bifille the rewful and wepeable destruccioun of the worthi citee and vniuersite of Prage, and of the hool

1 Her, their.

2 Reference is to the taking of Prague in 1419 by Ziska, who led the Hussites after the burning of John Huss and Jerome of Prague in 1415 and 1416. In 1419, John de Troeznow, called Ziska,

rewme of Beeme, as y haue had ther of enformacioun ynou3. And now, aftir the destruccioun of the rewme, the peple ben glad for to resorte and turne azen into the catholic and general feith and loore of the chirche, and in her pouerte bildith up agen what was brent and throwun doun, and noon of her holdingis can thriue. But for that Crist in his propheciyng muste needis be trewe, that ech kingdom deuidid in hem silf schal be destruyed, therfore to hem bifille the now seid wrecchid mys chaunce. God for his merci and pitee kepe Ynglond, that he come not into lijk daunce. But forto turne here fro azen vnto oure Bible men, y preie 3e seie ze to me, whanne among you is rise a strijf in holdingis and opiniouns, (bi cause that ech of you trustith to his owne studie in the Bible aloon, and wole haue alle treuthis of mennys moral conuersacioun there groundid,) what iuge mai therto be assigned in erthe, saue resoun and the bifore seid doom of resoun? For thou3 men schulden be iugis, 3it so muste thei be bi vce of the seid resoun and doom of resoun; and if this be trewe, who schulde thanne better or so weel vse, demene, and execute this resoun and the seid doom, as schulde tho men whiche han spende so miche labour aboute thilk craft? And these ben tho now bifore said clerkis. And therfore, 3e Bible men, bi this here now seid which 3e muste needis graunte, for experience which 3e han of the disturblaunce in Beeme, and also of the disturblaunce and dyuerse feelingis had among 30u silf now in Ynglond, so that summe of 30u ben clepid Doctour-mongers, and summe ben clepid Opinioun-holders, and summe ben Neutralis, that of so presumptuose a cisme abhominacioun to othere men and schame to 3ou it is to heere; rebuke now 3ou silf, for as miche as 3e wolden not bifore this tyme allowe, that resoun and his doom schulde haue such and so greet interesse in the lawe of God and in expownyng of Holi Scripture, as y haue seid and proued hem to haue.

"And also herbi take 3e a sufficient mark, that 3e haue nede forto haue 30ure recours and conseil with suche now biforeseid clerkis, thou3 3e wolden labore, and powre, and dote alle the daies of 30ure lijf in the Bible aloon. And drede 3e of the effect which bifille to Bohemers for lijk cause, and mys gouernaunce in holding the first seid opinioun; and bi so miche the more drede 3e thilk effect, bi how miche bi Crist it is pronouncid forto falle, where euer cysme and dyvisyoun is contynued; for he seith [Matth. xij.] č., that euery kingdom or comounte dyvidid in him silf schal be destruyed. But thanne azenward 3e must be waar her of, that euen as oon sterre is different from an other sterre in cleernes,

or the one-eyed, who after the burning of Huss deeply resented what he called "the bloody affront suffered by Bohemians at Constance," placed himself at the head of an armed people against the aggressions of Rome on the liberty of the Bohemian Church. King Wenzel died, and his brother, the Emperor Sigismund, who acted with the Pope, and had dishonoured his pledge of safe-conduct by which Huss had been decoyed to Constance, claimed succession in Bohemia. This threatened the Bohemians with forfeiture alike of civil and religious liberty. Ziska then raised national war against both Pope and Emperor. He became master of Prague, was victorious over Sigismund on Mount Wittkow, rudely maintained the work of Reformation sword in hand, and, when an arrow from the wall of Rubi pierced his one sound eye and left him wholly blind, talked still of joining battle. "I have yet," he said, "my blood to shed. Let me be gone." He still battled, suffering defeat once, until Sigismund submitted to the claim of the Bohemians for liberty of worship, and gave them Ziska for their governor. But Ziska died of plague while, in 1424, this treaty was in progress, and the war continued for eleven years after his death. The Bohemians buried their hero in the church at Czaslow, and wrote over his grave, "Here lies John Ziska, who having defended his country against the encroach. ments of Papal tyranny, rests in this hallowed place in despite of the Pope."

so oon clerk is different from an other in kunnyng. And ther fore, brother, take heede to doom of cleer resoun in this mater, which also is remembrid to vs bi the wise man, Ecclesiastici vj. č., thus: Manie be to thee pesible, but of a thousind oon be thi counseiler. And in special be waar that thou not accepte, chese, and take a clerk forto be sufficient to thee into the now seid purpos bi this aloon, that he mai were a pilioun' on his heed; neither bi this, that he is a famose and a plesaunt precher to peple in a pulpit; neither bi this, that he is a greet and thikke rateler out of textis of Holi Scripture or of Doctouris in feestis or in othere cumpanyingis: for certis experience hath ofte tau3t and mai here teche surely ynou3, that summe werers of piliouns in scole of dyuynyte han scantli be worthi for to be in the same scole a good scoler; and ful manye of the ij'. and iij'. soortis appeering ful gloriose to the heering of the lay parti, and also summe of othere maner of clerkis, whanne thei schulden come forto dispute and examyne and trie and iuge in harde doutis of Goddis lawe, were not worthi forto therto vnnethis opene her mouth. I detecte here no man in special; who euer can proue him silf to be noon such as y haue here now spoken of, he therbi schewith weel him to be noon of hem."

From what seemed to him the first mistaken trowing of those who for their devotion to the Scripture as a rule of life were called the Bible men, Pecock passed to a brief discussion of the second and third trowing, for which his reply to the first had prepared the ground. Then he went on to the eleven impugned ordinances of the Church which he had undertaken to defend, and the first of these, occupying the second part of his book, was the use of images, the going on pilgrimages, and veneration of relics. Then came, in the third part, his vindication of wealth of the clergy. The fourth part defended the Church government by bishops, archbishops, patriarchs, and popes, and replied to the complaint of the Lollards that ecclesiastical laws, made by the high clergy, were set over divine laws. The fifth part of the "Repressor" replied to the complaints against the religious orders--their existence, their dress, their stately houses, wealth in land-and ended with brief reference to the other five occasions of question namely, invocation of saints; church ornaments, as bells, banners, and relics; superstitious use of the sacraments; the use of oaths; and the approval of war by the clergy. Pecock here referred also to the places in other works of his in which he had more fully vindicated the Church usage of his time.

The point of view in Pecock's "Repressor" was that of a busy-minded man, essentially religious, who maintained the ecclesiastical forms of his day by looking at what seemed to him to be their foundation in nature and reason. He wrote with Christian charity, desiring to abate the bitterness of strife. He endeavoured to start from first principles, and to show reason for change of opinion by that party in the Church which was intolerant of usages for which there was no direct warrant of Scripture, or which, like the custom of demanding oaths and the sanctifi

1 Pilioun, the headdress of a priest or graduate. The Latin "pileus” was a close-fitting felt cap like the half of an egg, worn at festivals, and given to a slave on his enfranchisement as a sign of freedom.

falling into utmost peril for the free use of his reason, there occurred on the 29th of May, 1453-the fall of all that remained of the Eastern Roman Empire, the taking of Constantinople by the Turks; and in 1455 the production of the first printed book, a Bible (called, from its later discovery in the library of Cardinal Mazarin, the Mazarin Bible), was completed. The Fall of Constantinople scattered learned Greeks, who taught their language in Florence and elsewhere, introduced into Europe the study of Plato -in whom the most cultivated Church reformers found a strong ally-and gave impulse to the revival of learning. The Invention of Printing, by quickening and cheapening the reproduction of books, enabled every energetic thinker to touch with his mind many other men where he had before touched only one. True voices that had reached only a few were to be heard thenceforth by thousands; and the force of every strong mind, as leader of opinion in the warfare for a higher life, was to be as the force of an army, in which every copy of his printed book was as a soldier combatant with all the genius and courage of his chief.

cation of war, were condemned as contrary to the
express commands of Christ. Pecock's design was
to do for the English Church of his own day what
was done by Richard Hooker, at a later stage of
the same controversy, for the Church in the time
of Elizabeth, with equal charity and greater power.
Hooker wrote with more vigour in a time more
vigorous, which needed arguments more valid than
many which passed current among Churchmen and
schoolmen of the fifteenth century. Pecock's reason-
ing was above the standard of his day, though it
could not approach the energy of English thought in
the latter years of Queen Elizabeth. He was de-
fending also many usages and institutions against
which, already in Elizabeth's day, time had proved
the attack to be more powerful than the defence.
Pecock's appeal to reason in aid of a right study of
the Bible was, in the fifteenth century, when the
balance of culture was largely on the side of the
clergy, an appeal to the less educated laity to secure
unity of the Church by abandoning the right of
private interpretation until they were as well quali-private
fied for it as the most cultivated Churchmen. The
desire for a Church that should be a stronghold of
Christian unity, was strong in him and strong also in
those for whom the author of Piers Plowman spoke.
Perhaps the best of the Lollards or Biblemen, those
afterwards called Puritans, admitting differences of
interpretation that must follow upon the claim of
every man to draw from his Bible what he himself
felt to be its truths, looked rather to unity of Chris-
tian life while on the opposite side it was felt that a
necessary safeguard to the unity of Christian life lay
in the unity of doctrine. It is the purpose of this
volume not to set forth the arguments produced on
either side, but, so far as it touches the great contro-
versy in its successive stages and the sub-divisions
of opinion, to show in men of the most opposite
opinions the same search for conditions that will
help a people to come near to God, the same aspira-
tion of the soul of man toward the source of light
and life. In the quotations here given from Reginald
Pecock it is noticeable that while he reasoned with
the Lollards, he did not look at the worst men of
the party he opposed, but at the best; seeking to
understand their highest view of duty; and set forth
the grounds of difference between himself and them.
Nowhere is there a better witness to the powerful
effect produced upon the English people by Wiclif's
work on the translation of the Bible, than when
Pecock traces the enthusiasm against which he rea-
sons, to the sweetness men found in the words of
the Gospel coming to them in their mother-tongue,
the charm that bound them to it, and that fervent
yearning towards the ideal of a Christian life that it
had suddenly awakened in their souls.

While men were thus contending in opinion, and the fiery zeal of many was inevitably blended with the passions of the world, two events happened that greatly affected the course of thought in the next generations. About the time when Pecock's mind was occupied with his "Repressor," and he was

During the rest of the fifteenth century the new powers were coming into play. It was not until about 1474 that William Caxton brought the printing press to England, and set it up in Westminster Abbey. The diffusion of manuscript books had been from the writing-rooms of the monasteries, and when the demand upon a monastery exceeded the powers of supply by the brotherhood, professional copyists came in aid of the work of the scriptorium, and housed themselves conveniently within or near the precincts of the minster. Thus, when Caxton introduced the new method of copying manuscripts by machinery, he sought custom by setting up his business among the copyists at Westminster. It was not until 1508 that Walter Chepman set up the first printing press in Scotland.

The civil wars of York and Lancaster, stirring no high thought in the hearts of combatants, stayed the advance of English literature. In the reign of Henry VII. its old voice began to be heard again, although not yet with its old vigour. But in Scotland-where our northern English still cherished the spirit of independence, held a kingdom of their own, and battled, not in vain, against rulers of England who desired by conquest to make them subject to their crown-men were free to feel the impulse of the time. A few years before the close of the fifteenth century, Robert Henryson' had taken his place as one of a new group of our northern poets, and, in accordance with the taste of his time for religious allegory, wrote this poem-founded on a tale in the "Gesta Romanorum," "1% of

1 Robert Henryson. See the volume of this Library illustrating "Shorter English Poems," pages 74-81.

2 The Gesta Romanorum was a collection of tales current in Europe in the Middle Ages, so written that they might be used, by help of an "application "added to each, as spiritual allegories for the enlivenment of ermons or otherwise in aid of the religious life. Some of the tales were old stories ingeniously applied, and others manifestly written for the purposes to which they are addressed. The collection, which is of uncertain origin, was widely used, and of course the MSS. of it differ much in substance and arrangement. The name "Gesta

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"A certain noble lady suffered many injuries from a tyrannical king, who laid waste her domains. When the particulars of it were communicated to her, her tears flowed fast, and her heart was oppressed with bitterness. It happened that a pilgrim visited her, and remained there for some time. Observing the poverty to which she had been reduced, and feeling compassion for her distresses, he offered to make war in her defence; on condition that, if he fell in battle, his staff and scrip should be retained in her private chamber, as a memorial of his valour, and of her gratitude. She faithfully promised compliance with his wishes; and the pilgrim, hastening to attack the tyrant, obtained a splendid victory. But in the heat of the contest, he was transfixed by an arrow, which occasioned his death. The lady, aware of this, did as she promised: the staff and scrip were suspended in her chamber. Now, when it was known that she had recovered all her lost possessions, three kings made large preparations to address, and, as they hoped, incline her to become the wife of one of them. The lady, forewarned of the intended honour, adorned herself with great care, and walked forth to meet them. They were received according to their dignity; and whilst they remained with her, she fell into some perplexity, and said to herself, If these three kings enter my chamber, it will disgrace me to suffer the pilgrim's staff and scrip to remain there.' She commanded them to be taken away; and thus forgot her vows, and plainly evinced her ingratitude.

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That Prince come prowdly to the toun, Of that Gyane to heir;

And fawcht with him, his awin persoun, And tuke him presoneir;

And kest him in his awin dungeoun,

Allane withouttin feir,

With hungir, cauld, and confusioun,
As full weill worthy weir.

Syne brak the bour, had hame the bricht,
Unto hir Fadir deir.

Sa evill wondit 24 was the Knycht,
That he behuvit 25 to de.
Unlusum was his likame dicht,26
His sark was all bludy;

In all the warld was thair a wicht
So peteouss for to se!

15 Gyane, giant.

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30

40

50

60

16 Cast her in his dungeon, where light she might see none; hunger and cold and great thirsting she found in to her waine, in her abode. 17 Our-tuk, overtook.

19 Bot gife, but if, unless.

20 Till one was beaten down.

18 In schondir schuke, in sunder shook.

21 Gart seik, caused scarch to be made.

22 Cunnand, engagement, promise.

23 Then broke open the prison chamber, brought home the fair one. 24 Wondit, wounded.

25 Behuvit to de, must needs die.

26 Unlovesome was his body dight. First-English "dihtan," to dispose, set forth, arrange.

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