then, Prussia and Austria began to extend their bounds beyond the agreed limits. L'appetit vient en mangeant, and these encroachments were a sad augury of future partitions to the Poles. The indifference with which other states regarded this partition was indeed surprising. France, in particular, might have been expected to protest against it; but the imbecility and dotage of Louis the XVth, and the weakness of his minister, paid too little attention to the interests of their own nation to be likely to think of others. They made the most frivolous excuses, and even had the meanness to attempt to shift the blame on the shoulders of their ambassador at Vienna, pretending that he amused himself with hunting, instead of politics, and had no knowledge of the design of partition until it was consummated. Louis contented himself with saying, with an affectation of rage, "It would not have happened if Choiseul had been here!" Some few patriots in England declaimed on the injustice of the proceeding, but the spirit of the ministry, which was occupied in wrangling with the American colonies about the imposition of taxes, was not likely to be very attentive to the cries of oppressed liberty.

The partition is not one of those equivocal acts which seem to vibrate between right and wrong, justice and injustice, and demand the most accurate analysis to ascertain on which side they preponderate. Argument is thrown away on such a subject; for to doubt about the nature of a plain decisive act like

this, must necessarily proceed from something even worse than uncertainty and scepticism concerning the simple fundamental principles of moral action. A little reflection, however, will not be lost on so memorable a portion of history, which opens a wider field for instruction than the "thousand homilies" on the ambition, and glory, and other common places of Greek and Roman history. Such great political crimes reveal a corresponding system of motives of as black a hue, and even the narrowest experience teaches us that motives are never so well traced as in their results. The corrupt principle which prompts injustice and deceit in foreign transactions, would operate equally in domestic affairs; and the minister who uses hypocrisy and falsehood in manifestoes and treaties, would not scruple to do the same in matters of private life. An implicit confidence in enemies like these, was one of the amiable "crimes" for which "Sarmatia fell unwept."

CHAPTER X.

State of Poland.-Stanislas proposes a Reform.-Diet of 1788, or Constitutional Diet.-Alliance with Prussia.Constitution of the 3d of May.-Irresolution of Stanislas.→ Treachery of Frederick William.-Opposition of Russia to the Polish Reform.—Confederacy of Targowica.--Frederick William's Letter to Stanislas.-The Russians enter Poland. -Irresolution of Stanislas.-The Prussians enter Poland.Frederick's Manifesto.-Opposition of the Confederates to Russia overcome.—Frederick's claims.-Tyranny of Sievers. -Concession of the Diet.-Second Partition.

THE adverse fate of the confederacy of Bar had exhausted most of Poland's best blood; and the galling Russian yoke had broken her few choice surviving spirits, so that this once proud and gallant nation was bent as supinely and submissively to its despots, as if their domination had been founded on the rock of ages. But the free spirit of inquiry, which had gone forth during the latter part of the last reign, could not be confined by Russian chains, and it soon roused many minds from their disgraceful lethargy. The exertions of Konarski had long weakened the influence of the Jesuits, and even the few remains of conventual superstition were swept away, in 1773, by Pope Clement's famous bull, which pronounced the suppression of that powerful order. The same diet which had sealed the fatal treaty of partition, had appropriated the revenues of the Jesuits to the

purpose of national education, and at the same time established a commission to superintend this important work. This excellent institution served to counteract the demoralizing effects of foreign subjugation; the "medicine of the mind" was universally administered; the national literature was strenuously cultivated; every young Pole now studied the history of his country, and the preceptor finished his lectures on the story of patriotism, with the stirring monition, "Go thou and do likewise!"

All these causes pressed forward the Poles in that march of improvement which it is now our pleasing office to record. In the diet of 1776 the king himself urged the necessity of revising the constitution; and proposed Zamoyski, the patriotic chancellor, whose memorable resignation in 1767 was yet fresh in their memory, as the proper person to undertake the task. The proposal was received with universal applause, and Zamoyski laid his new code before the diet in 1780. He recommended the abolition of those two fatal privileges, the liberum veto and election of the monarch; another equally important scheme was the emancipation of the serfs; the trading classes also were to be raised to a share in the government, by having the right of electing deputies for the diet; commerce was to be encouraged, and in short Poland was to overtake the other states of Europe in civilization. Zamoyski had himself set the example of emancipating his serfs in his lands in Biezun, thus giving them an interest in the welfare of the coun

try. He was imitated by the king's nephew, Stanislas Poniatowski, and other nobles; but the generality of the Polish nobility were more short sighted to their real advantage, and Russian policy backed them in their opposition to this liberal and politic design, so that not only was the new constitution rejected in the diet of 1780, but Zamoyski was pronounced by most of the voices a traitor to his country. This attempt, though unsuccessful, was not without its good effects.

The king still cherished the scheme, but fearing the interference of Russia he obtained from Catharine, with whom he had an interview in her progress to the Crimea in May 1787, a solemn promise that she would not make his proposed changes the plea for another invasion. The emperor of Austria who also visited Catharine, made him a similar assurance. In August of the same year war breaking out between Russia and Turkey, Catharine suggested an offensive and defensive alliance with Poland. This offer was referred to the diet of the next year.

In the mean time Frederick William, successor of his uncle Frederick the Great, was plotting with England, Holland, and Sweden, against Russia and Austria, and pretended to the Poles that he attached much importance to their friendship. As an inducement to detach them from Russia, he so far from opposing the change in the constitution, gave it his full approval. The diet was convoked for the 30th of September 1788, and was confederated, which eman