same time a leader ought, of course, to think of his followers, and of the interests committed to their charge. But the fact is that the support of the Roman Catholics was already lost to the Liberals. The only thing that attracted them to the party of progress was the necessity of obtaining aid for the removal of their disabilities. The disabilities being removed, the Roman Catholics take their natural place in the party of reaction. They now vote Tory in England; in Ireland all party relations are deranged by Home Rule, but the tendency of the Irish priesthood is so far Tory that the Protestants of the North of Ireland are beginning to lean to the Liberal side. It may seem paradoxical to say that the day of the greatest Carlist success was to Carlism the day of doom. Yet it was so, for it most distinctly proved, by the absence of any sympathetic movement in the rest of Spain, that Carlism was merely a local insurrection, fed by the partizans of Reaction in other countries. Northern Spain has always been a peculiar district: it was the last to succumb to the Moors, it was the first to escape from their domination. Its Legitimism is at least as much antagonism to Madrid as a belief in the Divine Right of Kings. The end appears to be coming and in the usual way, with desertions, dissensions in the Carlist camp, mutual recriminations, and refusals of the insurgents in one province to march to the assistance of those in another. Serrano will soon be master of the destinies of Spain. What he will do is a question which we cannot pretend to answer, without a more accurate account of his character, and the influences by which he is surrounded, than has yet fallen in our way. But if he has any ambition, or is swayed by any one who has, he is not unlikely to conclude that amidst the conflicting claims of Pretenders, and between the violent Legitimism of Asturias, and the equally violent Republicanism of Andalusia, the best and safest course is-Marshal Serrano. Some doubt seems still to hang over the authenticity of the letter of sympathy which the Czar is said to have sent to Don Carlos at a moment so unluckily chosen that what was intended as a compliment might almost seem a mockery. But there is no doubt that the sympathy exists, whether it was formally expressed or not. As devout sons respectively of the Greek and Roman Churches, the Czar and Don Carlos profess each to consider the other out of the pale of salvation as a heretic on the subject of a mystic article in the Creed; but theological Orthodoxy in Europe is fast giving way to more substantial considerations. The Czar's attitude with regard to Spain has a significance beyond that which attaches to it as a mark the cause of Reaction in general. It indiof sympathy with Don Carlos, or even with cates jealousy of Germany, anger at the course which things are taking in Europe, and a tendency to interference in European affairs. When the master of an enormous army, who is also sure of the French alliance, betrays such a temper, storms are near. Europe sleeps in apparent peace, but with her hand on her sword, and the unquiet movements which pass over her frame show that she dreams of war. In France, the result of the local elections under the new law is the subject of dispute between the parties. The better opinion seems to be that it is slightly unfavourable to the Republicans, favourable to the Imperialists, and very unfavourable to the Monarchists. In local elections, merely local objects are sure to have great weight, and the wealthier classes, to whom local influence belongs, are generally opposed to the Republic. In the elections to the National Assembly the Republicans hold their ground; and the steadiness of purpose shown by the constituencies, in defiance of all the influence of the Government and the local functionaries, is so remarkable, and presents so strong a contrast to the usual levity and servility of the French character, as to warrant the assertion of the Republican chiefs, that the nation has made up its mind. But, thanks to the desperate exertions of the vast official hierarchy created by the Empire, the members of which still occupy the prefectures and other local offices, Bonapartism assumes every day more menacing proportions, and is now evidently the one formidable competitor of the Republic. The Bourbon cause has been so utterly ruined by the obstinate adherence of its representatives to the White Flag, that it would not be surprising to see the Priesthood transfer its allegiance and carry over its still powerful support to the Bonapartes, who, if they are not religious despots, are at least despots, and hold out a better hope to the Ultramontane than any form of liberty. Indeed the Empress Eugenie, if she could succeed in controlling the policy of her son, would, in spite of the notorious corruption of her court, be as religious a ruler in the priestly sense as any ultramontane could desire. But the issue, it is melancholy and humiliating to reflect, practically depends, not on the comparative ascendancy of political ideas in educated minds; not on anything that can be described as the result of the efforts to regenerate the nation, made by a long succession of statesmen, patriots, and political martyrs, from Mirabeau and Barnave down to Guizot and the leaders of the Republic; not on moral or intellectual forces of any kind; but on the will of a coarse and uninstructed, though honest soldier, whose ideas of government have been formed in an Algerian camp. About a third of the army is supposed by Gambetta to be Republican in sentiment; but we cannot doubt that the whole would at once obey the word of command given by Marshal MacMahon. The people are disarmed the national militia of all kinds having been disbanded, and there would be not even an attempt at resistance. Since the election for the Maine-et-Loire, the sword has hung suspended over the life of the Republic by a slenderer thread than ever. For, in that election, the party of MacMahon and his Septennate coalesced with the Bonapartists. In the excitement of a contest, it is true, people are glad to accept allies from any quarter. But at the Court, the coalition implies on the part of the marshal a preference for Bonapartism over Republicanism, which, if Republicanism seemed on the point of triumphing, would probably lead him to cast his sword into the scale. A more inscrutable problem could hardly be submitted to the political observer than which is presented by the state of affairs in France. As a rule, in studying revolutions, and forecasting their probable results, it is useful to keep the eye fixed on what may be called the point of aberration-the point that is where the really national movement ends, where an extreme party gets the lead, and the movement degenerates into violence. In the case of the English Revolution, the settlement of 1788 closely corresponded with the aims of the leading Reformers at the opening, and during the first Session of the Long Parliament. A Constitutional Monarchy, such as was ultimately established in the person of William III., was evidently what Pym, Hampden, and the mass of the nation with them desired. Probably, when the perfidy of Charles had been unmistakably demonstrated, a change of dynasty, such as was effected by the expulsion of James II., also entered into the councils of the leaders. Torn from this basis by the civil war which ensued, rocked to and fro for half a century by the alternating ascendancy of the extreme factions, and oscillating between the Republic of Vane and the Monarchy of Charles II., the nation returned nearly to the point of departure at last. Nearly, but not quite-for new ingredients had been added to the political caldron by the course of the struggle, and the settlement, in its strict preservation of all the forms of Monarchy, and of the privileges of the Anglican Church, bore the traces of the revulsion caused by the excesses of the Regicides, and the gloomy rule of the Fanatics. But in the case of France, besides the new elements of opinion, and the new forces generated by the events of the Revolution itself—the mingled repulsion and fascination of the Terror, the memories of the Republican victories, the military legend of the Empire, and the impressions left by all the shiftings of the scene, and the successive dominations of opposite ideas and parties from the fall of Napoleon I. to that of the Commune, Modern Science, with its influences on the one hand-Modern Ultramontanism on the other—have entered as factors into the problem, and enhanced its complexity to an almost hopeless degree. Renan has written a discourse on the moral and intellectual reform of France, which bears a close analogy to the strange programme of Atheist Imperialism put forth after the English Revolution, and under the influence of the impression made by it on selfish and cowardly natures, in the Leviathan of Hobbes. Though it is not Imperialism that Renan advocates, but oligarchy, the source of inspiration is the same, and the character of the theory is equally revolting. The author of "The Life of Jesus" is a man without a faith, otherwise he would have been saved from the moral blunder, not to mention the irreverence, of accusing the subject of his biography of a hideous fraud. Christians at all events are preserved from these wretched panics by their trust in the Providence which overrules the course of the world, however mysterious it may be, and by that religious. interest in the future of humanity which makes the Christian desire that the great plan should be worked out, even though its progress may entail some disquietude and some loss of material comfort on the generation in which he happens to live. Christianity herself brought not peace but a sword to the tranquil and self-satisfied sensualism of the Roman Empire. She always has been, and always will be, ready to run risks of a material kind in the interest of the spiritual community and of spiritual life. But Christianity in Europe is now weak, and with her the public spirit, which a survey of the history of political liberty will show to have been always closely connected with her, waxes faint, and seems likely to die away. We ask in vain what there is, in France or elsewhere, to sustain political life? Public virtue implies a willingness to sacrifice your own interests, and even to some extent the interests of the present generation, to the larger and more permanent interests of the nation and of mankind. But what motive for such sacrifice have those who believe that their hopes and their existence are bounded by their own lives? If a few continue, under the influence of a lingering sentiment or of a metaphysical idea of the unity of mankind, to make exertions and brave dangers for the good of society, will not the mass be content to submit to any force that may happen to be in the ascendant, even to such a gang as that which plotted the coup d'état, and to grasp all the sensual enjoyment within their reach? Will not European society become, at best, like the Roman Empire under the Antonines, the outward order and tranquillity of which fascinate Gibbon, while its inward rottenness was known to no one better than Marcus Aurelius himself? If that science which derides religion as a thing of the past has itself any doctrine which can save mankind from materialism and corruption, now is the time to make it known. Politics in the United States have long been in the state of a sea tossing under a shifting wind. The party system being established, nothing could be done till parties had been reorganized. But to reorganize them was not easy, the old dividing line of slavery and all the issues connected with it being gone. The Anti-Slavery party indeed remained, under the name of Republicans, bereft of its old principle of union, but furnished with one at least equally strong in the possession of power with an immense patronage. To form an Opposition on any intelligible basis seemed impossible. All sorts of issues were tried, but would not do. The currency question and free trade were cross divisions: there were Republican as well as Democratic, Inflationists and Anti-Inflationists, there were Democratic Protectionists and Republican Free Traders. Administrative Reform was taken up, not by the Democrats, whose reputation in that respect is in fact not a very large capital to trade on, but by an independent party, styling themselves Liberal Republicans. The remnant of the Liberal Republicans miserably collapsed, when the political hacks at the Cincinnati Convention succeeded in setting the genuine representatives of Reform aside, and geting Horace Greeley nominated to the farcical canditature which ruined and killed him. But the state of affairs in the South, combined with the general abuses of the administration, seems at last to have restored life to the dry bones of the Democratic party, which has gained such a series of victories in the fall elections as to make it probable that there will soon be a close wrestle between it and its long dominant antagonist for the possession of supreme power. Hard as well as close the wrestle will be. The party in power is supported by an army of placemen posted all over the Union, which has no doubt been meditating a re-election of Grant; and which though that hope must be abandoned, will struggle with the union of perfect discipline and the energy of despair for the retention of its immense spoils. The people of New Orleans have not been wanting to their own cause. They prudently submitted to the Federal authority when it was exerted, thereby lending their allies in the North the best moral assistance in their power. The measure of the oppression which they have been enduring at the hands of the Carpet-bag government was understated by us, in one particular at least, in our last number. We said that the list of tax sales in New Orleans filled nineteen columns of a newspaper. The whole list was not before us; it actually filled fifty-two columns. We repeat with emphasis that a confiscation so sweeping has hardly followed any civil war. Our remark as to the evil effect of this tyranny upon the political character of the North itself has also received ample illustration. Nothing could be more indicative of the worst and most insolent spirit of despotism, than some articles and cartoons in the papers which support the Government. Serve them with grape-shot first and listen to their complaints afterwards, was the general cry; and there was an evident exultation in the idea of the grape-shot. The consequences of oppression, as usual, are worse to the oppressor than even to the oppressed. If, in the interest of the unhappy South a change is to be desired, it is still more to be desired in the interest of the Republic, and of free institutions throughout the world. At a great crisis the American people has never yet failed to show good sense and moral force. We feel confident that it will not fail to do so now. SELECTIONS. THE ACTION OF PRAYER EXPLAINED IN A NEW WAY.* From "Speech in Season," by Rev. H. R. Haweis, M.A., Incumbent of St. James, Westmoreland, St. Marylebone, London. [We select the following lecture not because we coincide in its opinions, but in accordance with the general principle on which our selections are made, Lecause it is the work of a leading writer of the school to which he belongs, and a curious illustration at once of the activity and the eccentricity of theological speculation at the present time.-ED. C. M.] FE EELING comes before reflection. We have a number of experiences, mental and spiritual, long before we take the trouble to analyze them. And when we do come to apply thought to religion, when we ask ourselves what is the nature of our feelings about God, our thought very often tends to modify or change the feeling itself. Thought is valuable to feeling, and feeling is valuable to thought. You could not get a knowledge of God through your head alone. The knowledge of God comes to you through those wonderful inspirational influences which act upon the emotional, and through the emotional upon the active life. But the inspirations have to be sifted, the spirits have to be tried. Emotion sometimes tells strange tales, and clothes itself with strange forms. The heart and centre of religion is the same in all ages of the world, but the forms of religion are deter. mined by thought, and differ widely. For the mind of man has been in different ages of a very different calibre. Feeling is defined by thought, and the great use of thought in religion is to analyze feeling, so as to ascertain how far we are rightly conceiving the nature and the objects of worship. For be sure that the character of the worship itself will be sooner or later dependent upon the object of worship which thought has built up. This is why it is not unimportant whether you believe rightly or wrongly. Try and be right as well as sincere. You ought to try and get as near the truth, by the assistance of your mind, as you can. You must bring Reason to bear upon your religious feelings. You must insist upon having the best and truest attainable ideas about God, the soul, and duty, that there be no schism between the spirit and the * London: Henry S. King & Co., Publishers. intellect; so the music of life, as Tennyson says, will be vaster-vaster because more farreaching, vaster because more comprehensive : arranging more facts of experience in relations of harmony. 192. We live in an Age when every feeling is subjected to scrutiny-when the form of every belief is turned over and over again. It is impossible for us to pretend that we are still in the simple unreflecting stage of feeling. Feeling has come to that period when it must be analyzed; religious opinions, which have hitherto rested often upon the vaguest sentiment, have now to be examined and re-examined. It is not a question of whether you like to receive what has been told you when you were young as it was told you when you were young; it is not a choice, it is a necessity which is put before you in these days. You must sift, and you must search. 193. In the long run men do not believe what they will, but what they can. To hear some people talk, you would think it was only necessary to put forth a certain amount of truth in a definite way to get it accepted. So thought Luther when he imagined the Pope would become instantly converted upon hearing of the reformed faith. But men's minds are not made so they believe so much as they are prepared for-no more. Grace is given to them, not without measure, but it is given to them according as they have intellectual, spiritual, experimental measure to receive it. Now the reception of truth turns upon knowledge. The heart often declines to give its allegiance where the head forbids; and although that allegiance is sometimes given since feeling precedes thought, yet feeling is often withdrawn or modified at the bidding of thought. So wisely does St Peter speak when he tells men not only to sanctify" themselves, to have experimenta |