the difficulties with which the country was assailed; and has held ́ out an illustrious example to all countries placed in a similar situation.

The manner in which ministers, and the two houses of parlia ment, have conducted themselves in this business, affords additional evidence of the absolute necessity of that grand measure to which the attention of the people in general is now turned-A REFORM IN THE REPRESENTATION. That our national affairs are conducted under the strong bias of party no one can deny the effects are obvious. It has not unfrequently happened, that the very system which has been warmly opposed by those out of place, has been resorted to by that opposition as soon as they had changed situations with their opponents; and it is curious to observe, that when motions were recently made in both houses to rescind the orders of council, more especially as they related to America, the wisdom of those orders was strenuously urged by ministers, and the motions for rescinding them, negatived by considerable majorities; but that even previous to these discussions, ministers had resolved on rescinding their own decrees, and had conveyed their resolution to the British an bassador in America. No one entertains a doubt that the two houses which were so ready by their votes to confirm those decrees, will be as ready, at the nod of the minister, to annul them. Is such conduct worthy the senate of a free nation? Does it not add to that large mass of evidence already before the people, of the folly and the depravity of the PLACE and PENSION Bystem? The fair representative body of a free and virtuous nation, would at all times be ready to adopt measures for the national welfare, regardless of the quarter from whence they originated; and statesmen would avoid the inconsistency of opposing every thing coming from their opponents, and supporting every thing suggested by their own party. There is indeed one sad exception to the general rule, which has been recently displayed, more particularly in the house of Commons, where the leaders on both sides, have united in trumpeting forth their own purity; in expressing their united approbation of the system of corruption, and their determination to oppose the only safe, radical, and peaceable remedy for those abuses which now stare the nation in the face-A REFORM OF THE REPRESENTATIVE BODY.

The issue of the differences between the belligerent powers and America will, we hope, convince some of our political writers of the folly of clinging to their old prejudices. We more particularly allude to the opinions of Mr. COBBETT, which have been uniformly hostile to the president, the government, aud the people of America. No longer than the 8th of April last, we find this writer venting, in his Weekly Register, the following effusions;~" The

66

debating gentlemen who live across the Atlantic have not for "some months had much of my attention bestowed upon them: "they have, now, it seems, repealed their embargo, except with respect to England and France: that is to say, they have given "their ships liberty to come out under the shabby, the miserable, "the despicable appearance of still shewing their resentment against, "us. They know that the cargoes will come to England; they "know that they must come to England; they know that our sea "orders preventing them from going any where else still exist, Aye, and they intend they shall come here too; only their silly, "their empty pride will not let them acknowledge it. Did I not "say, that if our ministers held firm, they would be compelled to "repeal this embargo law; and did I not say that they would "speak out of the thing in one way or other, which would as they thought hide their disgrace! No triumph can be more complete "than that of the ministers in this case: they have not moved an “inch from their resolution: they have let the Americans do their worst; they have looked quietly on whilst America passed her avenging acts, which were to bring us on our knees. We were "fast forgetting her, when she herself, without any compromise, "comes to! I am not, perhaps, very disinterested in these praises "of the ministers; for the truth is, that the measures towards "America were as much mine as they were theirs!" Yes! Mr. Cobbett, you have said these and many other foolish and rancorous things against the Americans, which have too evidently proved that, in this instance, your prejudices and passions have conquered your reason. You advised ministers, instead of making the least concession, to follow the infernal project executed against Denmark, (a project which had your express approbation) to bombard the towns of America," and knock the houses of the inhabi. "tants about their ears:" you declared," you should with pleasure engage in such an attack were you sure of being buried under "the ruins!" But ministers, instead of following your advice, have, thank heaven, acted diametrically opposite; and several weeks before you wrote the rhodomontade in your Register of the 8th of April, had sent orders to the British envoy to make the inost ample and liberal concessions to America. Comparing dates, and circumstances, there is every reason to believe, that the Americans would not have withdrawn the embargo, even as it respected neutral states, had they not obtained sufficient assurances from the belligerent powers, that no obstruction would be given to their vessels entering the ports to which they were directed. As Mr. Cobbett assures us, that "the measures of ministers towards Ame,

See the quotations from Cobbett's Register, Pol. Rev, Vol. III. p. lxvi,

"rica were as much his as theirs," we should be happy for an explanation on the subject of those liberal concessions which he in conjunction with ministers, so recently made:whether his sentiments on this, as well as on some other occasions have undergone a complete revolution, and what are his REAL sentiments on the subject; as from a hint he has given, in his last Register, it is not very clear that he always writes as he thinks!*

The speech of Mr. MADDISON, the new President of the American States, must afford peculiar pleasure to every friend to virtue and liberty, those best interests of the human race. May the principles therein professed, ever be the guide of the American government. May the citizens of that growing and flourishing empire ever be watchful of the conduct of their rulers; and anxiously careful that their constitution may possess not only theoretical, but practical excellence: may they ever recollect, that virtue, public as well as private, form the only solid basis, and afford the only solid security of individual, social, and public tranquillity and happiness!

Since writing the above Remarks, we perceive that his Majesty's ministers have given notice that" The arrangement which had "been entered into between his ambassador and the United States "was unauthorised; the former having made concessions without "demanding those conditions, the compliance with which ought to "have been made the basis of granting such concessions. This notice has occasioned considerable surprise, and has thrown the mercantile world into confusion. To quiet the alarm, ministers have resolved that in all cases of mercantile adventure, the consequence of such arrangement, no advantage should be taken; and official notice has accordingly been given of a suspension of the orders in council.

From the official correspondence which passed between Mr. ERSKINE, and Mr. SMITH the American Secretary of State, "it "seems" (as Lord GREY has remarked) "as if the measures "adopted had been preconcerted, for every thing followed in such "order and rule, that it was almost impossible to believe, but "Mr. Erskine, conceived that he was acting strictly according to "his instructions." The negociation was opened, and the conces sions and offers were made in terms the most explicit. The answers on the part of the American minister were conveyed in language which cannot be misunderstood. It will remain for ministers to explain their conduct in refusing to sanction the engagements of their ambassador; and it is to be hoped, they are convinced from past experience, that the American government will not be insulted, or trifled with.

• Cobbett's Weekly Register, May 20, p. 777.

· Our limits will only allow us very briefly to notice a few extraor dinary circumstances which have recently occured in the debates of the house of Commons. On the second reading of the bill for preventing (in some trifling degree,) the sale of offices, Lord FOLKE STONE openly charged the treasury with trafficking for boroughs. He said, "what he stated was matter of public notoriety. It was “even understood, that previous to every election, an office was 66 opened in the Treasury, for the purchase of seats in parliament, which again were sold to others, of more or less interest and abi"lity, who again in proportion to their possession of these qualities, "paid a higher or lower price for their seats." Mr. CREEVY confirmed the statement of the noble lord, and " referred to any one "of the right hon. gentlemen opposite to him, who had at any “tune filled the situation of Secretary of the Treasury, and from "the mouth of such right hon. gentlemen he should prove his charge." Mr, WHITBREAD stated-" That it was well known in "that house and out of it, that there were members who represent"ed nothing but their own money; that there were some, who were not even then free agents; but that there was occasionally such a thing as conscience in the transaction, which forced "them to abandon both their seat and their money too. If the "right honourable gentleman, (Mr. Perceval) really entertained

any doubt on the subject of the purchase and sale of seats in "parliament, he had only to turn to his near neighbour, Lord "Castlereagh, and learn what they had done in Ireland, where one "million and a half of money had been taken out of the pockets " of the people to pay for the purchase of boroughs !" It was "impossible, he conceived, for the right hon. gentleman to con"sider these circumstances without feeling that, in one way or "other, an end must be put to this system, or IT WOULD PUT "AN END TO THEM!" The house however, seem resolved to run every risk, rather than set about, in any essential degree, the work of reformation; and Mr. MADOCKS's motion for an inquiry into the conduct of Lord CASTLEREAGH and Mr. PERCEVAL, as it related to the sale of au Irish borough, was negatived by a large majority; but the particulars of this and other interesting debates we must defer till our next.

Harlow, May 30.

B. F

Although we continue to increase the usual number of our pages, we find it impossible, to insert, what forms a muterial body of evidence, as “to the public opinion on subjects of the utmost importance to the national safety "and happiness:—The various proceedings which have taken place in conse quence of recent inquiries in the house of Commons, it is our intention to publish a SUPPLEMENTARY NUMBER to the present Volume. Notice of the day of publication will be given in our next.

POLITICAL REVIEW.

No. XXX.]

FOR JUNE, 1809.

REVIEW OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS.

[Vol. V.

PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.

THE Importance of the Proceedings of the British Senate

obliges us still to devote a considerable portion of our Register to those discussions that have so recently taken place, and which have not only excited the attention of our countrymen in various parts of the British empire, but we ardently hope will excite still more general attention; and that those points which have naturally arisen out of the inquiry into the conduct of the late commander in chief, will not cease to occupy the public mind till the only effectual remedy for abuses the most 'flagrant shall take placeA REFORM OF PARLIAMENT, or, in other words, the restoration of our CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS-A FREQUENT, and an EQUAL REPRESENTATION OF THE PEOPLE.

The discussions relating to the important subject of public abuses, have been chiefly confined to the house of Commons; for as to the motions which have been occasionally made by the members of the late administration, now the leaders of opposition, in both houses of parliament, respecting the conduct of the war during the last campaign, we consider them, and the public seem to be of our opinion, as mere party questions. The general princi ples on which the war has been conducted have been sanctioned by both parties; and whilst these principles remain the same, it will not make any material difference which party has the management of that war. Lord GREY indeed, in a late debate, warmly reprobated indifference to party, which he was pleased to term "the cant of inodern patriotism;" at the same time indignantly demanding" Is it of no consequence by whom the administration, "and resources of the government are conducted, whether by "capable or incapable statesmen?" To which it may be justly replied; that with respect to the conduct of the war, and the management of the resources of the kingdom, there appears to be little difference between the present ministers and their predeces sors; and with respect to a matter of at least equal importance,