performance. In the 'new additions of the Parliament Sceane' it would appear that the defective text of the quarto had been corrected from the author's MS. For this part therefore the first folio is our highest authority; for all the rest of the play the first quarto affords the best text.' (Cambridge Shakespeare, vol. iv. Preface, p. ix.)

We have no evidence as to the precise year in which Richard II was composed; but its general style conclusively proves that it was considerably earlier than the first part of Henry IV, which was first printed in 1598. We shall probably not be far wrong if with Malone we assign it to the year 1593. From internal evidence alone the historical plays may be classed under four periods, (1) The three parts of Henry VI; (2) Richard III, Richard II, and King John; (3) The two parts of Henry IV and Henry V; (4) Henry VIII. In the plays of the second period we find much more dramatic skill and poetical power than in those of the first, while they are far inferior in these respects to the plays of the third period, and have little or no trace of the rich comic humour which is displayed so abundantly in the latter. In Richard II, as in Richard III, and to a minor degree in King John also, we may observe certain peculiarities and defects which disappear from the works composed in the full maturity of Shakespeare's powers, as for instance the frequent rhymes, the recurrence of elaborate conceits, forced antitheses and verbal puns, besides a stilted and unnatural phraseology and a kind of stiffness in the diction, sentences and clauses being too often coincident with the lines. But these minor blemishes do not detract from the great and essential merits of the work, which Coleridge pronounced to be 'the most admirable of Shakespeare's purely historical plays.' It is free from the melodramatic violence and turgid language of Richard III, while in the sustained interest of its plot it is superior to King John and Henry VIII.

There were at least two other plays on the same subject extant in Shakespeare's time. One, which turned on the

deposition of Richard II, was ordered to be played by Sir Gilly Merrick, an adherent of Essex, on the afternoon preceding his revolt in 1601. It is certain that this was not Shakespeare's play. It was, we are told, an old play which could not be expected to attract a large audience, so that Merrick gave the actors forty shillings in order to cover their loss. And it would be difficult to conceive any play less likely to serve the ends of the conspirators than this of Shakespeare even with the deposition-scene, in which the sympathies of the audience during the later acts are powerfully attracted to the unfortunate King. And besides, the conspirators were most anxious to disclaim any attempt upon their sovereign's life.

Another play called Richard II was witnessed at the Globe Theatre, April 30, 1611, by Dr. Simon Forman, but this, as we learn from his diary, began with Wat Tyler's rebellion, and apparently did not include the deposition and death of the King.

Mr. R. G. White has pointed out (Shakespeare's Works, vol. vi. p. 139 sqq.) several coincidences between our drama and the second edition of Daniel's Civil Wars, published, like the first, in 1595, but these are too indecisive to found any positive conclusions upon. If one author was indebted to the other, Daniel in all likelihood borrowed from Shakespeare.

Shakespeare's principal, if not sole authority, was Holinshed. Indeed, with the exception of the committal of the Bishop of Carlisle to the custody of the Abbot of Westminster (iv. 1. 152), which he must have derived from some other source, and the little touch we have noticed at the beginning of act v. sc. 3, where he may have had recourse to the pages of Hall, there is no reason to believe that he consulted any other history. That he used the second edition of Holinshed, published in 1586-7, is evident from the fact that the withering of the bay-trees (ii. 4. 8) is recorded in that edition alone, and not in the first of 1577, from which nevertheless we have, with this exception, made our quotations. In the course of the notes we have given those passages to which

Shakespeare was indebted for facts and even expressions. Some, however, were too long to be inserted in the Notes, and we therefore quote them here at full, with the act and scene which they illustrate.

Act I. Scene I. 'It fell forthe, that in this parliament holden at Shrewsbury, Henry duke of Hereford, accused Tho. Mowbray, duke of Norfolke, of certaine words which he shuld vtter in talke had betwixt them, as they roade togyther lately before, betwixte London and Brainforde, sounding highely to the kings dishonor. And for further proofe thereof, he presented a supplication to the K. wherin he appealed the duke of Norfolke in field of battaile, for a traitour, false and disloiall to the K. and enimy vnto the realme. This supplication was redde beefore bothe the Dukes in presence of the Kyng: whiche done, the Duke of Norfolke tooke vppon hym to aunswere it, declaring that whatsoeuer the Duke of Hereforde hadde sayde agaynste hym other than well, hee lyed falsely like an vntrue Knighte, as he was: And when the king asked of the duke of Hereforde what he saide to it, he taking hys hoode off his heade, said: My soueraigne Lorde, euen as the supplication whiche I tooke you importeth, right so I say for truthe, that Thomas Moubray duke of Norfolke, is a traitour false and disloyall to your roiall Maiestie, your crowne, and to all the states of your realme.

'Then the Duke of Norfolke beeyng asked what he said to this, he answered, Right deare Lord, with your fauour that I make answere vnto your cousin here, I say (your reuerence saued,) that Henry of Lancaster duke of Hereforde, like a false and disloyall traitour as he is, dothe lye in that he hath or shall say of mee otherwise than well.'

The dukes were both placed under arrest, and Norfolk was actually imprisoned at Windsor, but the Dukes of Lancaster, York, Aumerle, and Surrey became sureties for the appearance of Hereford.

The play opens with the events described in the following paragraph.

'Nowe after the dissoluing of the Parliament at Shrewsbury,

there was a day appointed about a sixe weekes after, for the K. to come vnto Winsor to hear and to take some order betwixte the twoo dukes, which had thus appealed eche other. There was a greate skaffold erected within the castell of Windsore for the king to sit with the Lordes and Prelates of his realme: and so at the day apointed, he with the saide lords and prelats being come thither and set in their places, the duke of Herford appellant, and the duke of Norfolke defendant, were sent for to come and apeare before the K. sitting ther in his seate of Iustice. And then began to speak sir Io. Bushy for the K. declaring to the lords how they shuld vnderstand that where the duke of Hereford had presented a supplication to the K. that was there set to minister iustice vnto al men that wold demaund the same, as apperteined to his roiall Maiesty, he therfore wold now heare what the parties could say one against an other, and withall the K. commaunded the dukes of Aumarle and Surrey, the one beyng constable, and the other marshall to go vnto the two dukes, appellant and defendant, requiring them on his behalf, to grow to some agreement: and for hys parte, hee woulde be readye to pardon all that hadde bene sayde or done amisse betwixte them, touching any harme or dishonour to him or hys realme: but they aunswered bothe assuredly that it was not possible to haue any peace or agreement made betwixt them. When hee hearde what they hadde aunswered, hee commaunded that they shoulde bee broughte forthwith before his presence, to heare what they woulde saye.

'Herewith an Herauld in the Kings name with loude voice commaunded the Dukes to come before the King, either of them to shewe his reason, or else to make peace togither without more delay.

'When they were come before the King and Lordes, the King spake himselfe to them, willing them to agree, and make peace togither: for it is (saide he) the best way ye can take.

'The Duke of Norfolke with due reuerence herevnto aunswered, that it coulde not bee so brought to passe, his honour saued.

'Then the King asked of the Duke of Hereforde, what it was that hee demaunded of the Duke of Norfolke, and what is the matter that ye cannot make peace togyther, and beecome friendes?

'Then stoode forth a Knight that asking and obteining licence to speake for the duke of Herford, said, Right dere and soueraigne Lorde, here is Henry of Lancaster Duke of Hereforde and Erle of Darbie, who saith, and I for hym likewise say, that Thomas Moubray Duke of Norfolke is a false and disloyall traytour to you, and your royall Maiestie, and to your whole realme: and likewise the duke of Hereford saith and I for him, that Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke hath receyued .viij. M. nobles to paye the souldiores that keepe your Towne of Callais, whiche he hath not done as he oughte: and furthermore the saide Duke of Norfolke hath bin the occasion of all the treason that hath bin contriued in your Realme for the space of these .xviij. yeres, and by his false suggestions and malicious counsell, hath caused to dye and to be murthered your right dere vncle, the duke of Gloucester, sonne to king Edwarde.

'Moreouer, the Duke of Hereforde saith and I for hym, that he will proue this with his bodye, against the body of the said duke of Norfolke within listes.

'The king herewith waxed angry, and asked the Duke of Hereford, if these were his words, who answered, Right deare Lord, they are my wordes, and hereof I require right, and the battell against hym.

'There was a Knight also that asked licence to speake for the Duke of Norfolke, and obteining it, began to aunswere thus: Right deare soueraigne Lorde, here is Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke, who aunswereth and saith, and I for him, that all that Henry of Lancaster hath sayde and declared (sauing the reuerence due to the king and his counsell) is a lye, and the saide Henrye of Lancaster hath falsely and wickedly lyed as a false and disloyall Knyght, and bothe hath bene, and is a traitour againste you, your Crowne, royall Maiestye, and Realme.