It

and strenuous support to the measure. would be invidious, as it would now be ungenerous, to impute sinister motives to those, who, in parliament, opposed the union. They are now politically defunct as a body, and it is not my disposition to violate the sanctity of the tomb, or insult the ashes of the dead. History will do justice to their motives and their conduct; and, in deciding upon the characters of the principal agents in this transaction, will reveal, how far their hostility to the measure may, or may not, have been influenced by the same considerations of partial or personal interest, which dictated the local opposition displayed against it in various particular parts of Ireland. The great mass of the people was either favourable, or certainly not hostile, to the union. The Protestants were divided on the question; the Catholics, where they did not support it, were absolutely neuter; but, the thinking and disinterested part of the com munity, of whatever sect or persuasion, were its most zealous advocates. A century of political squabbles, and disgusting contests for the loaves and fishes, had sufficiently proved the inefficiency of the existing order of things, to any purposes of enlarged policy or national tranquillisation. Whilst the Irish legislators had liberty and the glorious revolution constantly in their mouths, they cherished oppression and persecution in their hearts. They kept four fifths of the nation in a state of civil bondage, and called that freedom; they maintained with a high hand the insulting ascendancy of the remaining fifth of the population, and called that the éenstitution. In their jargon, the nation was free, because the faction was not enslaved, as if it was possible for a popular constitution to exist, where the people was excluded from all the benefits of it. Looking, therefore, to the materials, of which the Irish parliament was composed, looking to the manner, in which that body was usually chosen and constituted; looking, too, to the inevitable and no remote consequences to Ireland, and to the Empire, of a perseverance in the narrow and illiberal policy, with which that country had been so long and so fatally misgoverned, every impartial

and considerate man of the nation hailed the measure of union, as the dawn of a new and auspicious period in the annals of his coun try. The support, however, which that measure received, was not gratuitous or groundless. If the prospect held out to IreJand, had not greatly varied from the gloomy features presented in the sad retrospect of its sufferings, there could not have been found an Irishman, who would be a party to

the parricidal extinction of his country from the nations of the world, or who would not have preferred even the mockery of indepen dence to the reality of subjection, aggravated by the continuance of unmitigated political oppression. It was upon the distinct and recognized admission, that the anion would lead to the total abolition of those odious restrictions, which had so long disfigured and disgraced the Irish code, that the union was so effectually supported. For, as his Majesty's reign had been distinguished by successive acts, for the relief of his Catholic subjects from. disabilities, imposed upon them in times of turbulence and danger, and these acts had uniformly originated with the government, and were pressed upon the Irish Parliament, it could never have entered into the head of any one, that any opposition to the final abolition of all distinctions was to be apprehended in any quarter, after the demise of that parliament. Still less could it have been apprehended, that such an opposition would have been made by any branch of that legislature, which had' approved of the constitution of Corsica, or passed the act, 31 Geo 3. chap. 31 for the settlement of the Canadas By the constitution of Corsica, which, I believe, was fully confirmed by his Majesty, though not sanc tioued by Parliament, the Catholics of that island were granted privileges, not enjoyed by any Bush subject, and even a religious establishment, was arranged for them, in concert with the Pope. The act of settlement of the Canados, which is an act of the legislature, establishes the Catholic religion in those provinces, by authorising the Catholic clergy to receive tythes from their Catholic parishioners, and allows the council and legislature of these colonies to be composed indifferently of Catholics and Protestants. Two French wars have occurred, since the transfer, by treaty, of Canada to Great Britain; and yet it is notorious, that no symptom of disaffection to the British government has ever appeared amongst its inhabitants, either before or since the act of settlement. It would be difficult then to point out any good reason, why Catholics, who had been, prima facie, less trust worthy, as having imbibed necessarily, under their former government, French feelings of hos tility against this country, should be admit ted to the enjoyment of political rights, which are to be denied to native Catholics, whose every feeling is truly British, and whose only security it is to identify with British interests and connection. But, if the reason of the thing be not easily discoverable, the principle of faith, upon which this

fd, is still inore unintelligible. One can not easily conceive a scruple of conscience, that could apply to one, without being equally applicable to both cases. It would appear to common sense, common honesty, or vulgar notions of obligation, impossible for any puistry to establish any difference between the two cases, that would not be favourable to the claims of the Catholics of the United Kingdom. But, I shall not pursue this topc further now. What I have stated will be suficient to expose the folly and absurday of the ground, on which these claims are said to be resisted. The question does not, at present, need to be much pressed. Growing dangers will open men's eyes to its impertauce. The rational part of the British public, and the whole of the Irish public (for I make no account of their mad bigots) are converts already to the doctrine, no less liberal than just, of equal burthens-equal laws-equal rights. The time is not very distant, when these claims must be granted. By must, I do not mean external force, but moral obligation. Political necessity will impose the obligation, and motives of prudence will discharge it. The suitor may in the first instance meet with a repulse; but, if the dame, after some dalliance should still continue to hold out, she runs the hazard of seeing her inamorato engrossed by a rival. Mr. Grattan says that there is a French party ia Ireland. I do not believe it; but, I am sure, not, that there is a discontented party in Ireland, but that Ireland is discontented. If Great Britain turn a deaf ear to the just complaints of that nation, she may create, what I am convinced does not now exist there, a French party. I must confess, however, that I do not think the final emancipation of the Catholics of such importance, ther to the interests or tranquillity of Ireland, as it is to the security and welfare of the empire. The grant of political rights, which are, and would be, unavailing, with respect to the great bulk of the population of that country, could not render them insnsible to the pressure of the heaviest practical burthens, to which the mass of any lation has ever yet been subjected. But the throwing open the different departments of the state to the talents and ambition of so numerous a class of subjects, as the Roman Catholics, would have the most immediate and decisive beneficial effect upon the public service. In the army and navy this would be particularly felt, for the sons of the'nobi

and gentry of that persuasion, who would mediately take advantage of the opening, would draw after them such a multitude of

probability carry the effective strength of each to the full amount of their respective establishments. But, as a tranquillising measure for Ireland, the emancipation of the Catholics would prove very ineffectual. To the multitude, that is rather an object of allowable pride, than of any real utility. A. few of the higher classes might indeed have an opportunity of taking advantage of it, to get into situations of political consideration from which they are at present excluded. When I consider how little is demanded, or can be acquired, by the emancipation, I find it difficult to account for the impediments, that obstruct its progress, on any other score, than that of dire infatuation. No shadow of suspicion was ever entertained against the higher classes of the Catholics, and yet it is to them that indulgence is to be dealt out with a sparing hand. Every right, that the lower classes of Protestant subjects enjoy, is equally participated by the Catholic of the same rank, without any inconvenience or evil whatever. In the higher classes, independent of the general attachment, that must be felt to a common and equally profecting government, education, habit, and the possession of property afford ample security for the constitutional use of any political right or privilege, which may be granted to them. The whole question refers to them exclusively, at least, as to any immediate effect of its adoption. For, as to the great majority of the Catholics, they are not solicitous for the removal of disabilities, which do not affect themselves, except so far, as artful and designing agitators may persuade them, that the removal of these disabilities is connected with the redress of their grievances,, To tranquillise Ireland, therefore, the only effec tual course is, to inquire fully into the causes of the discontents, that exist in that country, and to endeavour to remove them, as far as legislative remedies can be applied for that purpose. Those, who know Ireland best, must be sensible, that, though parliamentary interference may do much, there will remain many sources of grievance, which cainot be come at by any legislative enactments. The evils, which weigh down that unfortunate country, have not their foundation altogether in any defect of law, or abuse of power, or limitation of rights, or exclusive privileges; but they are compounded of allthese, exaggerated-aggravated-exasperated by base passions, rancorous prejudices, and factious feelings, which, like so many excrescences, fasten, upon the fair stock of society, and intercept the nourishment, that should be allowed freely to circalate, and

carry life, fertility, and vigour, to all its most remote or minute branches. From such a complication of causes there must naturally result many grievances, which cannot be redressed by any positive institution. Of this we have a satisfactory, or rather, (because such a circumstance cannot be satisfactory) an indisputable evidence in the proceedings, lately set on foot, in that country, by the patriots and land proprietors, with respect to tythes. Those very public spirited and disinterested gentlemen would fain persuade us, that the great hardships of the people of Ireland, arise solely from the operation of tythes. But they do not seem to be aware, that the clergyman's property, in tythes, rests upon as valid a title in law, and upon a much stronger ground in reason, than their property in their respective patrimonies; and one cannot help pitying the fatuity, with which they are endeavouring to sap the foundation of their own titles to their possessions, by decrying or weakening titles, which are founded upon precisely the same authority. I do not, nor can I, deny, that the operation of tythes in Ireland is a grievance; but, I still do contend, that with all the vexations attending their collection, they form but a very small portion of the oppression, under which the great body ofthe people of that country labours. Yet, I would ask, how it has happened, that those very patriotic gentlemen, in descanting upon the hardships of tythes, have uniformly connected them with the clerical establishment. They could not be ignorant, that one-third of the tythes of Ireland is in the bands of lay impropriators, and it was in fairness due to that most respectable body, the clergy of Ireland, that they should state, how far the exactions of those lay proprietors kept pace with, or fell short of, the rates levied, on behalf of the clergy. The fact is, that, in all times, the church and the clergy have been a most abundant theme of ridicule and obloquy to unprincipled witlings and hollow politicians. A short lived popularity would be the consequence of overthrowing the church establishment, but if the mass of the people were to be admitted to a participation of the plunder, they would not easily be induced to respect that popularity, if it interfered with the pursuit of similar game. I would not be understood here to insist, that tythes ought to be continued in their present shape in Ireland: on the contrary, it is my firm conviction, that the country would derive most important benefits from a fair commutation;

and, I am equally persuaded, that the clergy would be gainers by any arrangement, that would give them an adequate compensation for their property in tythes. My object has been not to justify grievance, but to repel aggression. It has been a favourite practice with the landed proprietors of Ireland, to cast a veil over their own exactions, by drawing the whole attention of the public to their misrepresentations of those of the clergy. As the subject will certainly be discussed in parliament next session, it becomes the duty of every man who is anxious for the tranquillity and welfare of that country, to illustrate it with all the light which his experience can supply. With this view the present communication is addressed to you, Sir, and, if you should deem it worthy of insertion, it shall be followed by others in succession, on the same subject, and to the same purpose; which, however deficient they may be, in stile or manner, will cer tainly possess the merit of excluding all matter, but what is founded on unexceptionable authority, or bottoned upon the personal experience and observation of, Sir, yours, &c. &c.-VINDEX.London, December 14,

1807.

OFFICIAL PAPERS. (Continued from p. 64.) JAMAICA.-Resolutions, passed unanimously by the House of Assembly, on the 29th of Oct. 1507, relative to the distressed state of the Colony, and especially to the Abolition Act, passed by the last Parliament.

What has been long known and felt here, has been lately folly proved before a Committee of the House of Commons, that, from the operations of the causes which we have only briefly adverted to, the great staple of the British West Indies, sugar, does not sell in the markets of the mother country for the duties, with the expences and charges of sending it there.And that, with the exception of a few plantations on a very large scale, or under circumstances peculiarly fortunate, no revenue whatever is left to the planter, for the support of his family, or the satisfaction of his creditors -The committee need hardly represent that the only permanent source of taxation must be the clear revenue of the individuals composing the society, who give up a proportion of it to the general use, and for the common safety, in whatever manner that proportion may be raised. (To be continued.)

[PRICE 1CD.

971

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

Li

PLACE. It appears, that, within these few days, the sort of pacific ogling, that had been going on for some time, between France and us, has been put an end to. But, a publication, in the French official paper, "the Moniteur," of the 7th instant, does, in an indirect way, let us know what are the views and intentions of Napoleon with re-pect to peace:--This publication is a commentary upon the king of England's Declaration, issued in answer to that of the Emperor of Russia; and, through this chanDel, we are given to understand, that a formal recognition, on our part, of the berty of the Seas," will not be insisted upen, at the ensuing peace. This way of conveying his sentiments to us, and of letting us koow his intentions, is, to say the least of it, unworthy of the man who calls himself, and who really is, the conqueror and langiver of Europe. I look upon no other part of the commentary as being of any importance I care not what he says of, or what he does to. Prussia or Russia or Austria or Hanover or any other of the countries of Germany or Italy. I leate the disputes about the treaty of Tilsit and Lord Lauderdie's mission to be settled by those, who tink that reasoning about rights and wrongs has any thing to do with the termination of our war with France. I see, in Napoleon, a man who has conquered the continent of Europe; whose mind is firmly bent upon the conquest of this kingdom; who was in hopes of being able so to embarrass us, as to induce us to give up those maritime rights, without exercising which it is impossible that we should resist his power for any length of time; who has now perceived, that he capnor. at present, frighten us into a formal surrender of those rights; and who has, therefore, taken the circuitous way, abovementioned, to let us know, that he will not now insist upon that point.

Let us now

take the part of the paper, which relates to this matter. It comes after a quotation from that part of the Declaration of the king,

6

wherein he says, that he will, in spite of all combinations against him, assert those rights, the exercise of which has maintained the maritime power of England. Upon this passage it is, that the Moniteur makes the following remarks. That which has "maintained the maritime power of Eng“land has not been tyrannical principles or "maxims, but the policy, the energy, the good sense, and the prudent conduct of your ancestors; it is the divisions which "they have often had the address to scatter on the continent. That which will essentially contribute to its desu action is "the thoughtlessness, precipitancy, vio"lence, and silly arrogance of their successors. The Emperor of Russia wishes for a maritime peace. Austria, France, and Spain participate in these sentiments. "You have declared that the negociation "with France was only broken oil upon points affecting the interests of Russia." "Wherefore, then, we again ask, do you "continue the war? Why, it is because you do not wish for peace."--Let us imitate the Moniteur, and dispatch as we proceed. Tyrannical principles" is a phrase of doubtful meaning, in this case; because, what you call grannical, we do not; and, while we thank you for the just applause, which you bestow upon our ancestors, we must insist, that it is merited, only because they held, and resolutely acted upon what you are pleased to call tyrannical principles;" for, from the time that this country bore the name of England, it claimed a right of sea dominion, as absolute as that which any sovereign, or state, bas upon the land; and, the fault, nay, the crime, of their descendants has been, that they have, step by step, receded from this claim, placing England, in respect to mari-` time rights, upon the same footing with the other states of Europe, yielding, by little and little, to the newfangled code of maritime laws, hatched in the universities of Germany, by the professors pensioned by Denmark, Russia, France, and Holland. Que

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