danger or death. Have marcy! Oh! Sir, you don't understand the heat that's in the blood of an O'Reardon. He'll be like a young oak struck with the lightning-green in the morning, and black before noon. Have marcy! Though that marcy be to banish me from my ould heart's home."

"Enough! Enough!" said the gentleman, while his daughter hung weeping on his arm; 'get up at once, I will arrange it all for him. I felt assured he was drawn into it; but he must not remain in Liverpool, it would be a bad example, and this smuggling is carried on to such an extent that it must be overcome; but I have a brother settled at New York ;-one of my own ships sails in a fortnight—let him try his fortune in the new world; and, bear this in mind, he must leave his pride, as you call it, in the old."

A deadly pallor overspread the widow's face, and she clasped her hands, as if in blessing, but the struggle between pride and duty had been too much for her aged frame. She fainted on the fair girl's arm, who was helping her to rise.

When she recovered, the gentleman was gone, but the young lady's words were indeed a cordial. "Look up, good woman; my father says you shall go with your son to America, for he is sure you have seen the folly of a pride, which, believe me, none of us can understand."

A feeling of pity at her ignorance did come athwart the widow's mind, but it was quickly overcome by warm and fervent gratitude. Mrs. O'Reardon quitted the merchant's door a self-satisfied and selfapproving woman; her step had regained its firmness. America is the land of promise to the Irish, and she had already built huge castles in the air, which the O'Reardon's of future generations were to inhabit; she thought the English gentleman deserved to be an Irish one; and as to the young lady, why, she thought she would have been worthy to be Harry's wife if she had not been a heretic. She thought-she knew not what, until she arrived at her own room door, and there she sawnot Harry, but two strange men taking down the bedstead; she trembled violently from head to foot.

"Where is my son ?" she inquired, in a faltering voice.

"That's more than we can say, Missus," replied one, "but he left this here bit of a parcel for you."

The wretched mother could, and did read the note, which enveloped a sum of money.

"MOTHER,-God bless you! Don't take on so; I suppose it's the will of God. I can never rise my head in Liverpool again, nor indeed, I think, any where else, but, certainly not here; I have sold whatever I had in the world, and paid my debts. Here is enough to take you home, where you have enough to keep you; if I do well, you will hear from me; if not, why, pray for me, mother. Oh! the folly, to say no worse of it, of doing a thing in secret that one's ashamed to be known, of doing a thing behind the sun's back, that his face will make plain. They say my employer will be sure to come round,-he's so good; and an Englishman would wait for that, and get rid of his fault; but I can't, the pride wo'nt let me. Mother, dear, I bless you for ever.

"Your affectionate son till death,
"HARRY O'REARDON."

Twilight was over the city, and still Mrs. O'Reardon sat on the only piece of furniture left in that dreary room-her own square box; she sat on its oaken lid, her bony fingers grasping the open letter, upon which her hollow eyes were fixed, though she could not then distinguish either word or sign.

The landlady pitied her, but Mrs. O'Reardon's pride made her almost afraid to show that pity, which was rough and sincere; nevertheless she offered her many courtesies which would not have disgraced more gentle breeding; but the bereaved mother heeded nothing. Her eyes still rested on the paper, and her features were blue and ghastly, as the features of a corpse. At last the kindly woman thought of an expedient to rouse her from her fearful torpidity; she brought in a neighbour's dog which Harry had been very fond of, and the little animal bounded to her side, and licked her cheek; suddenly the flood-gates of her soul were opened, she caught the dog to her bosom, and burst into

tears.

TO THE WOOD ANEMONE IN A DAY OF CLOUDS..

BY THE AUTHOR OF CORN-LAW RHYMES,"

WHY art thou sad like me,
Blush-cheek'd Anemone?

Say, did the fragrant night-breeze rudely kiss
Thy drooping forehead fair,

And press thy dewy hair,

With amorous touch, embracing all amiss?
And, therefore, floweret meek,

Glow on thy vexed cheek

Hues, less to shame, than angry scorn, allied,
Yet lovely, as the bloom

Of evening, on the tomb

Of one who injured lived, and slander'd died?
Or didst thou fondly meet

His soft lip Hybla-sweet?

And, therefore, doth the cold and loveless cloud
Thy wanton kissing chide?

And, therefore, wouldst thou hide

Thy burning blush, thy cheek so sweetly bow'd?
Or while the daisy slept,

Say, hast thou waked and wept,

Because thy lord, the lord of love and light,
Hath left thy pensive smile?

What western charms beguile

The fire-hair'd youth, forth from whose eyelids bright
Are cast o'er night's deep sky,

Her gems that flame on high!

That husband, whose warm glance thy soul reveres,
No floweret of the west

Detains on harlot breast;

The envious cloud withholds him from thy tears.

LIBERTY AND SLAVERY IN AMERICA.*

BY A RETURNED EMIGRANT.

THAT which tends more than anything else to augment the power of the executive is, corruption, which is openly avowed, tolerated, and practised to an extent that would astonish Sir Robert Walpole or William Pitt, could they have a glance at things as they now are. On a change of administration in England, no persons are removed from office on account of their principles, except those who are in the immediate confidence of the Cabinet; but on the election of Andrew Jackson he turned out all, or pretty nearly all who voted against him, in the treasury, revenue, post-office departments, &c., and distributed their places amongst his own party, according to their zeal or his favour. I mean that he did so as it became practicable, for of course the change could not be made at once, without stopping the public business; but it was done so effectually, that none but Jacksonmen now hold the humblest employment in the service of the public. The King of England possesses legally the same power, but he could no more dare to exercise it, than he could commit the House of Commons to Bridewell; the press would not allow it-public opinion could not endure it; but in the United States, it is defended by all except a few of the unsuccessful placemen, and is called enjoying the spoils of victory! Not only all in office, but all expectants, approve of the system, and naturally enlist themselves under the banners of the established power, or " hail the rising sun." And yet these people are so ignorant, or so absurd, as to speak of the slavery of the English, and the tyranny of crowned heads, and to exult in their mob domination!

I have now before me an address to Amos Kendall, the first favourite o the President, on his promotion to the office of Postmaster-General, got up by the clerks in the Fourth Auditor's Office, which clerks could not dare, even through the medium of the ballot, to vote in opposition to their master; I have never heard of one risking the experiment. The following is a part of the address:-" Affable and polite to those with whom you had daily intercourse, you examined their claims carefully--and where a sense of duty compelled you to suspend or to reject any part-few, very few, ever went away dissatisfied. It was your good fortune, in most cases, to overcome prejudices which had been engendered against you by misrepresentation and ignorance; and those who came with unfavourable views of your conduct went away convinced that you were anxiously disposed to do them all the justice which could be expected from a correct public officer."

To this the official returned a reply, of which the following is a portion :"To the slanders of the profligate and misinformed, of which you speak, I have long since become measurably indifferent. You, gentlemen, of whom I have never exacted the slightest political service, and to whom I have never uttered a word with a view to influence your political opinions or acts, can bear witness how little probable it is that I would prostitute any public station to party or other improper purposes. If I have lived down these imputations within the narrow sphere of one office, I shall put them down, if I have opportunity, upon the broader theatre of another. While I shall ever express and maintain, with ardour and firmness, my own political opinions and principles, as a right which no patriot would surrender for office, and no honest man would fail to exercise, I will never permit myself, nor suffer those under my control, if I know and can prevent it, to bring the power of office to operate upon elections, otherwise than by an impartial, rigid, and punctilious discharge of its duties."

* Concluded from page 341.

Aug.-VOL. XLVII. NO. CLXXXVIII.

2 H

The Commercial Advertiser' observes:-"What commentary shall we make upon professions like these from such a man, with the facts before the nation as to the course he has pursued, and the equally well-known reason why he has been brought into the post-office department?'

As a glossary on this, I will give an extract of a letter from the celebrated David Crockett, in the "Downing Gazette," dated Tenessee, April 20th, 1835. I have heard much complaint made by President Jackson against the United States Bank for meddling in elections. I was at a postoffice a few days ago in my district, and I saw a number of packages in the office bearing the frank of Andrew Jackson on them, and I inquired what they contained, and was answered they were Mr. Benton's speech on the expunging resolution of the senate of the last session. I suppose his object is either to electioneer against Judge Whyte or myself. I do think when it has come to this, that the President of the United States will come down from his high station to franking of documents for the purpose of electioneering; I do believe it ought to be exposed and made known to every American citizen. Let the world know what we are coming to in these glorious days of retrenchment and reform."

The fact is, that there is very little downright honesty and candour amongst public men or political writers in this republic; nevertheless, truth may be discovered, but only by persons on the spot, who know where to seek for it, and recognize it when found. He must be a novice indeed to whom the information is new, that the Post-office department is a great engine of electioneering in the hands of the President-circulating corruption into the remotest extremities. This fact is strongly corroborated by the negligence and indifference with which its real duties are fulfilled, such as would not be tolerated for a week by any Monarch in Europe, despotic or limited. I do not mean that it is a particularly unsafe conveyance, for it would never be worth while to screen a robber for the sake of his vote; but I mean to say that postmasters and clerks are very much in the habit of fulfilling their duties as they themselves understand them, and taking the responsibility. Complaints are constantly issuing from the opposition press throughout the United States of their unnecessary delays, withholding parcels, and intercepting papers; and it is quite ludicrous to see the government publications at some distance from head-quarters, venturing to express some tender remonstrances. I have often known newspapers to come to hand three months after their date of publication--perhaps a basketful at a time for which rubbish the subscriber had the postage to pay; and for these gluts of antiquated news he has to endure long fasts, with the occasional loss of the most interesting publication.

Prince Metternich or the King of Prussia must find it their interest to place in office those who are fit for their duties, and to compel them to fulfil them, for they have no favours to exact in lieu of indulgence; and the King of England may do the same, as he is not elective, and his minister dare not tamper with the rights of the people; but the President of the United States is the creature of democracy and office-holders, and whatever bold front he may display to foreign foes, he must respect and foster domestic corruption. This is a system which, without a radical change, cannot mend, unless excess should work a cure by a rough process; like an imposthume which, being overcharged with unsoundness, bursts or is lanced. There is now no naval or military hero, after Jackson, to excite the enthusiasm of the multitude, nor prospect of a war to create any; so that eloquent and able men, generally lawyers, must become the most prominent statesmen. This is all very well; but unfortunately there will be so many, with interests and qualifications so nearly balanced-rival candidates, rival states, and rival parties-that every accessible means will be used, and will be necessary, in order to acquire a preponderance. And whoever is once elected acquires such an increase of strength by his patronage as will, if he can let off a few clap-traps to the commonalty, ensure him a re-election, and a

strong probability of naming his successor; for who can oppose such a phalanx in its very citadel, with a chance of success?

The present candidates for the presidency are Daniel Webster, who, with Henry Clay, occupies the very front rank of orators and statesmen; and I believe him to be so far honest and wise, that the republic could suffer no detriment from his sway, as far as depended on himself. But he has little chance of success, which I do not regret, as I should be sorry to see so great a man pandering to the base passions of the multitude, and modelling to his service all the offices of the nation. Judge Whyte, the next candidate, is a man of excellent character, moderation, and sufficient abilities. He is brought forward by the Whigs, though himself a Tory, in order that he may divide the strength of that party; or because, if elected, he would be after all but half a democrat. The other candidate is Martin Van Buren, the present Vice-President, whose strength lies in the influence of the executive, and the popularity of the President with the democrats-for he has none of his own; though I never could discover any good grounds for his being so low in their favour, except it may be that he has not courted them. He annoyed them not a little by his courtesy and good feeling towards England, when he was envoy there, four or five years ago; with the Whigs, he is of course identified with the measures of Jackson.

All public functionaries in the several states are elected by the people, except the judges, auctioneers, bank directors, and perhaps a few more, who are appointed by the legislatures. Sheriffs, magistrates, aldermen, mayors, collectors, &c., are annually balloted for; and with all this bustle and agitation, I firmly believe that the Grand Signor or the Pope could not make a more indifferent selection. Individuals are chosen not as being likely to do credit to the appointment, but because they court popularity, are always before the public as candidates, or are supported by the strongest state or local faction. One principle which must be always attended to, is to support. the person or the party who supports you-votes are given under pledges to be returned and men often oppose their nearest relative, and the best qualified, to be true to their party and their pledges. I have known a professional man elected to an office who was avowedly incapable of performing the duties of it, while there were several candidates well qualified; and when I asked an influential man why he contributed to the appointment of a person so notoriously incompetent? his reply was, "Oh! never mind that; you see he was the only man on our side that we could get in; and if we had not put him forward, the other party would have got in their man." A King or a Viceroy, or the individual with whom I spoke, would have appointed a person capable of performing the public service. Functionaries, too, run little risk of being questioned or blamed, the people are indulgent masters to those whom they have chosen.

From what I have written, my readers have probably come to a conclusion that I have been describing an ill-governed country, and undoubtedly such has been my expectation; yet they are free from many abuses to which we have been grievously subject, and from which we are still far from being exempt. My purpose has been, to show to my countrymen the evils of democracy-those of an oligarchy they have been long familiar with; and to caution them, that, in avoiding the one extreme, they rush not heedlessly into the other. I write for no party, I uphold no system; I have stated facts, and offered my own opinions without favour or malice; and if undisguised truths should offend, as I believe they generally do, let those who cannot bear their light endeavour to extinguish them-the more they stir the fire of truth, the brighter it will burn.

In the several states the laws are various, and often bad; in some of them a man who can give security for the costs can, by forms of law, keep a creditor out of the most obviously just debt for about eighteen months; and with respect to the criminal laws, they are too often so administered, that, as I have heard Americans say, The big fish escape, the little ones are

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