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pride, I am exceedingly humbled by it. I cannot proceed with a stern, assured, judicial confidence, until I find myself in something more like a judicial character.

I must have these hesitations as long as I am compelled 5 to recollect that, in my little reading upon such contests as these, the sense of mankind has at least as often decided against the superior as the subordinate power. Sir, let me add, too, that the opinion of my having some

abstract right in my favor would not put me much at 10 my ease in passing sentence, unless I could be sure that

there were no rights which, in their exercise under certain circumstances, were not the most odious of all wrongs and the most vexatious of all injustice. Sir,

these considerations have great weight with me when I 15 find things so circumstanced, that I see the same party

at once a civil litigant against me in point of right and a culprit before me, while I sit as a criminal judge on acts of his whose moral quality is to be decided upon the

merits of that very litigation. Men are every now and 20 then put, by the complexity of human affairs, into strange

situations; but justice is the same, let the judge be in what situation he will.

There is, Sir, also a circumstance which convinces me that this mode of criminal proceeding is not, at.least in 25 the present stage of our contest, altogether expedient;

which is nothing less than the conduct of those very persons who have seemed to adopt that mode by lately declaring a rebellion in Massachusetts Bay, as they had

formerly addressed to have traitors brought hither, under 30 an Act of Henry the Eighth, for trial. For though

rebellion is declared, it is not proceeded against as such, nor have any steps been taken towards the apprehension or conviction of any individual offender, either on our

late or our former Address; but modes of public coercion 35 have been adopted, and such as have much more resem

case.

blance to a sort of qualified hostility towards an independent power than the punishment of rebellious subjects. All this seems rather inconsistent; but it shows how difficult it is to apply these juridical ideas to our present

5 In this situation, let us seriously and coolly ponder. What is it we have got by all our menaces, which have been many and ferocious ? What advantage have we derived from the penal laws we have passed, and which, for the time, have been severe and numerous ? What 10 advances have we made towards our object by the sending of a force which, by land and sea, is no contemptible strength ? Has the disorder abated ? Nothing less. When I see things in this situation after such confident hopes, bold promises, and active exertions, I cannot, for 15 my life, avoid a suspicion that the plan itself is not correctly right.

If, then, the removal of the causes of this spirit of American liberty be for the greater part, or rather entirely, impracticable; if the ideas of criminal process be 20 inapplicable - or, if applicable, are in the highest degree inexpedient; what way yet remains ? No way is open but the third and last, — to comply with the American spirit as necessary; or, if you please, to submit to it as a necessary evil.

If we adopt this mode, — if we mean to conciliate and concede, - let us see of what nature the concession ought to be. To ascertain the nature of our concession, we must look at their complaint. The Colonies complain that they have not the characteristic mark and seal of 30 British freedom. They complain that they are taxed in a Parliament in which they are not represented. If you mean to satisfy them at all, you must satisfy them with regard to this complaint. If you mean to please any people you must give them the boon which they ask; 35

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not what you may think better for them, but of a kind totally different. Such an act may be a wise regulation, but it is no concession; whereas our present theme is the mode of giving satisfaction.

Sir, I think you must perceive that I am resolved this day to have nothing at all to do with the question of the right of taxation. Some gentlemen startle – but it is true; I put it totally out of the question. It is less

than nothing in my consideration. I do not indeed won10 der, nor will you, Sir, that gentlemen of profound learn

ing are fond of displaying it on this profound subject. But my consideration is narrow, confined, and wholly limited to the policy of the question. I do not examine

whether the giving away a man's money be a power ex15 cepted and reserved out of the general trust of govern

ment, and how far all mankind, in all forms of polity, are entitled to an exercise of that right by the charter of nature; or whether, on the contrary, a right of taxa

tion is necessarily involved in the general principle of 20 legislation, and inseparable from the ordinary supreme

power. These are deep questions, where great names militate against each other, where reason is perplexed, and an appeal to authorities only thickens the con

fusion; for high and reverend authorities lift up their 25 heads on both sides, and there is no sure footing in the middle. This point is the great

“ Serbonian bog, Betwixt Damiata and Mount Casius old,

Where armies whole have sunk.” 30 I do not intend to be overwhelmed in that bog, though

in such respectable company. The question with me is, not whether you have a right to render your people miserable, but whether it is not your interest to make them

happy. It is not what a lawyer tells me I may do, but 35 what humanity, reason, and justice tell me I ought to do. Is a politic act the worse for being a generous one ? Is no concession proper but that which is made from your want of right to keep what you grant? Or does it lessen the grace or dignity of relaxing in the exercise of an odious claim because you have your evidence-room 5 full of titles, and your magazines stuffed with arms to enforce them? What signify all those titles, and all those arms? Of what avail are they, when the reason of the thing tells me that the assertion of my title is the loss of my suit, and that I could do nothing but wound 10 myself by the use of my own weapons

? Such is steadfastly my opinion of the absolute necessity of keeping up the concord of this Empire by an unity of spirit, though in a diversity of operations, that, if I were sure the Colonists had, at their leaving this country, 15 sealed a regular compact of servitude; that they had solemnly abjured all the rights of citizens; that they had made a vow to renounce all ideas of liberty for them and their posterity to all generations; yet I should hold myself obliged to conform to the temper I found uni- 20 versally prevalent in my own day, and to govern two million of men, impatient of servitude, on the principles of freedom. I am not determining a point of law, I am restoring tranquillity; and the general character and situation of a people must determine what sort of gov- 25 ernment is fitted for them. That point nothing else can or ought to determine.

My idea, therefore, without considering whether we yield as matter of right, or grant as matter of favor, is to admit the people of our Colonies into an interest in 30 the Constitution; and, by recording that admission in the journals of Parliament, to give them as strong an assurance as the nature of the thing will admit, that we mean forever to adhere to that solemn declaration of systematic indulgence.

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Some years ago the repeal of a revenue Act, upon its understood principle, might have served to show that we intended an unconditional abatement of the exercise of a taxing power. Such a measure was then sufficient to 5 remove all suspicion, and to give perfect content. But unfortunate events since that time may make something further necessary; and not more necessary for the satisfaction of the Colonies than for the dignity and consist

ency of our own future proceedings. 10 I have taken a very incorrect measure of the dispo

sition of the House if this proposal in itself would be received with dislike. I think, Sir, we have few American financiers. But our misfortune is, we are too acute,

we are too exquisite in our conjectures of the future, for 15 men oppressed with such great and present evils. The

more moderate among the opposers of Parliamentary concession freely confess that they hope no good from taxation, but they apprehend the Colonists have further

views; and if this point were conceded, they would in20 stantly attack the trade laws. These gentlemen are

convinced that this was the intention from the beginning, and the quarrel of the Americans with taxation was no more than a cloak and cover to this design. Such has

been the language even of a gentleman of real modera25 tion, and of a natural temper well adjusted to fair and

equal government. I am, however, Sir, not a little sur. prised at this kind of discourse, whenever I hear it; and I am the more surprised on account of the arguments

which I constantly find in company with it, and which 30 are often urged from the same mouths and on the same day.

For instance, when we allege that it is against reason to tax a people under so many restraints in trade as the

Americans, the noble lord in the blue ribbon shall tell 35 you that the restraints on trade are futile and useless

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