that they be referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia. This motion itself, Sir, sufficiently shows in what manner I think this subject ought to be treated in the Senate.

The petitioners ask Congress to consider the propriety and expediency of two things; first, of making provision for the extinction of slavery in the District; second, of abolishing or restraining the trade in slaves within the District. Similar petitions have already been received by the Senate. Those gentlemen who think Congress have no power over any part of the subject, if they are clear and settled in that opinion, were perfectly justifiable in voting not to receive them. Any petition which, in our opinion, asks us to do that which is plainly against the Constitution, we might very justly reject. If persons, for instance, should petition us to pass a law abridging the freedom of the press, or respecting an establishment of religion, such petition would very properly be denied any reception at all.

In doubtful cases, we should incline to receive and consider; because doubtful cases ought not to be decided without consideration. But I cannot regard this case as a doubtful one. I think the constitutional power of Congress over the subject is clear, and therefore that we were bound to receive the petitions. And a large majority of the Senate are also of opinion, that petitions of this kind ought to be received.

I have often, Mr. President, expressed the opinion, that over slavery, as it exists in the States, this government has no control whatever. It is entirely and exclusively a State concern. And while it is thus clear that Congress has no direct power over the subject, it is our duty to take care that the authority of this government is not brought to bear upon it by any indirect interference whatever. It must be left to the States, to the course of things, and to those causes over which this government has no control. All this, in my opinion, is in the clear line of our duty.

On the other hand, believing that Congress has constitutional power over slavery, and the trade in slaves, within the District, I think petitions on those subjects, respectfully presented, ought to be respectfully viewed, and respectfully considered. The respectful mode, the proper mode, is the ordinary mode. We have a committee on the affairs of the District. For very obvious reasons, and without any reference to this question, this

committee is ordinarily composed principally of Southern gentlemen. For many years a member from Virginia or Maryland has, I believe, been at the head of the committee. The committee, therefore, is the appropriate one, and there can be no possible objection to it on account of the manner in which it is constituted.

Now I believe, Sir, that the unanimous opinion of the North is, that Congress has no authority over slavery in the States; and it is perhaps equally unanimous in the opinion, that over slavery in the District it has such rightful authority.

Then, Sir, the question is a question of the fitness, propriety, justice, and expediency of considering these two subjects, or either of them, according to the prayer of these petitions.

It is well known to us and to the country, that Congress has hitherto entertained inquiries on both these points. On the 9th of January, 1809, the House of Representatives resolved, by very large majorities, "That the Committee on the District of Columbia be instructed to take into consideration the laws within the District in respect to slavery; that they inquire into the slave trade as it exists in, and is carried on through, the District; and that they report to the House such amendments to the existing laws as shall seem to them to be just."

It resolved also, "That the committee be further instructed to inquire into the expediency of providing by law for the gradual abolition of slavery within the District, in such manner that the interest of no individual shall be injured thereby."

As early as March, 1816, the same House, on the motion of Mr. Randolph, of Virginia, resolved, "That a committee be appointed to inquire into the existence of an inhuman and illegal traffic of slaves carried on in and through the District of Columbia, and to report whether any, and what, measures are necessary for putting a stop to the same."

It is known, also, Sir, that the legislature of Pennsylvania has within a very few years urged upon Congress the propriety of providing for the abolition of slavery in the District. The House of Assembly of New York, about the same time, I think, passed a similar vote.

After these proceedings, Mr. President, which were generally known, I think the country was not at all prepared to find that these petitions would be objected to, on the ground that they

asked for the exercise of an authority on the part of Congress, which Congress cannot constitutionally exercise; or that, having been formally received, the prayer of them, in regard to both objects, would be immediately rejected, without reference to a committee, and without any inquiry.

Now, Sir, the propriety, justice, and fitness of any interference of Congress, for either of the purposes stated in the petitions, are the points on which, as it seems to me, it is highly proper for a committee to make a report. The well-disposed and patriotic among these petitioners are entitled to be respectfully answered; and if there be among them others whose motives are less praiseworthy, it is not the part of prudence to give them the advantage which they would derive from a right to complain that the Senate had acted hastily or summarily on their petitions, without inquiry or consideration.

Let the committee set forth their own views on these points, dispassionately, fully, and candidly; let the argument be seen and heard; let the people be trusted with it; and I have no doubt that a fair discussion of the subject will produce its proper effect, both in and out of the Senate.

This, Sir, would have been, and is, the course of proceeding which appears to me to be prudent and just. The Senate, however, having decided otherwise, by a very large majority, I only say so much, on the present occasion, as may suffice to make my own opinions known

In reply to Mr. King of Alabama, Mr. Webster said:

I am not aware of having said any thing which can justify the remarks of the honorable member. By what authority does the gentleman say that I have placed myself at the head of these petitioners? The gentleman cannot be allowed, Sir, to assign to me any place or any character which I do not choose to take to myself. I have only expressed my opinion as to the course which it is prudent and wise in us all to adopt, in disposing of these petitions.

It is true that, while the question on the reception of the petitions was pending, I observed that I should hold back these petitions till that question was decided. It is decided. The Senate has decided to receive the petitions; and being received, the manner of treating them must necessarily be settled. The

origin of the authority of Congress over this District; the views and objects of the States in ceding the territory; the little interest which this government has in the general question of slavery, and the great magnitude of the interest which individual States have in it; the great danger to the government itself of agitating the question here while things remain in their present posture in the States around us, these, Sir, are considerations all intimately belonging to the question, as I think, and which a competent committee would naturally present to the Senate and to the public.

Mr. President, I feel bound to make one further remark. Whatever gentlemen may think of it, I assure them that these petitions, at least in many cases, have no factious origin, no political or party origin. Such may be the origin of some of them. I am quite sure it is not of all. Many of them arise from a sense of religious duty; and that is a feeling which should be reasoned with, but cannot be suppressed by a mere summary exercise of authority. I wish that all reasonable men may be satisfied with our proceedings; and that we may so act in regard to the whole matter as shall promote harmony, strengthen the bonds of our Union, and increase the confidence, both of the North and the South, in this government.

THE

DEPOSIT BANKS.*

A STATEMENT of the affairs of the deposit banks having been transmitted by the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Webster moved that three thousand extra copies should be printed, and in support of this motion spoke as follows:

SIR,I would, in making this motion, call the attention of the Senate to the document from the treasury showing the state of the deposit banks at the latest dates, and from the tabular statement quote some of the leading facts.

The immediate liabilities of the banks amount, it appears, to nearly seventy-two millions of dollars; viz. the public deposits, $30,678,879.91; the private deposits, $15,043,033.64; the bills in circulation, $26,243,688.36. The amount of specie held by these banks, it further appears, is $10,198,659.24; that is to say, there is less than one dollar of specie for six dollars of debt; and there is due to the government by those banks more than three times the amount of all the specie. There are other items which swell the amounts on each side, such as debts due to banks, and debts due from banks. But these are only equalling quantities, and of no moment in the view I am taking of the question.

Among the means of these deposit banks I see an item of "other investments" of no less amount than $8,777,228.79. What is meant by these "other investments," I am not informed. I wish for light. I have my suspicions, but I have no proofs. Sir, look at the reported state of the Farmers and Mechanics' Bank of Michigan, the last in the list. The capital of

Remarks made in the Senate of the United States, on the Deposit Banks on the 17th of March, 1836.