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is careering through the streets, with the flag of the United States tied to his stirrup and trailing in the dust. Shall we not fight? Those who cannot appreciate fighting for the honor of our flag, for the success of republican institutions, for the cause of freedom, and the hopes of the world, may perhaps understand, from what we have stated, that a peace which should give the rebels the control of the Mississippi would render the Free States tributary to the Southern Confederacy. It is idle to talk about a treaty for the free navigation of the river, or a declaration making it an open sea. To persons who cast aside all their constitutional obligations, and disregard their most solemn official oaths, the stipulations of a treaty would impose as little restraint as the meshes of a cobweb; and whenever passion or interest should require it, the banks of the river would again bristle with batteries, for the destruction of Northwestern commerce.

We are in favor of the organization and arming of negro regiments and brigades, if the time has come when they can be made available without detriment to the public service. The Confederates would not hesitate to do the same, if they could trust the negroes. Slaves are property, and the rebels do not hesitate to use any of our property, when it falls in their way, against us. Ah! but when we suggest this, slaves immediately become persons, and very dangerous persons. Well, we hope we shall not disturb the sensitive nerves of our Transatlantic cousins (who blow rebels from the mouths of their cannon, and whine hypocritically about the sinking in Charleston harbor of a few old vessels loaded with stone, as an outrage on civilization) when we say, that, if it becomes necessary, for the suppression of the rebellion, we are in favor of placing arms in the hands of these persons, and letting them fight in their own parties, and under their own leadership. That will be a proclamation for freedom of a practical character. It may be fast coming to this. European sympa

thizers with the rebellion may as well prepare their hartshorn. Great Britain armed the Indians against us in the Revolution, and in the war of 1812. It is, we suppose, one of those things which, according to the London Times, she does not intend to do again until she finds an opportunity. The South have armed the Indians against us in this war, as others besides Mr. Albert Pike can testify. All over the South and Southwest, men have formed themselves into guerilla bands, which murder, destroy, burn, and pillage. And we do not perceive the essential difference between black and white guerillas. It may be that the slaves thus armed will commit some atrocities. We shall regret it. But we repeat, This war has been forced upon us. We have sent to the field our bravest and our best. The idols of happy homes have fallen by hardship, disease, and battle, and deep anguish has come to many a Northern household. We know no reason why we should be more tender of the she-dragons of the South, who have been so loudmouthed in the cry for secession and war, than we are of the best and dearest of our sons, who are marching under an intolerable heat and falling by the wayside, tenanting loathsome Southern prisons, dying of the fever of the camp, mangled by the missiles of war, not only in open conflict, but from the stealthy ambuscade of the Southern guerilla, and lying for days uncared for on an unfortunate battle-field of which we did not retain the possession. We hesitate not to say, that it will be better, immeasurably better, that the rebellion should be crushed, even with the incidental consequences attendant on a servile insurrection, than that the hopes of the world in the capacity of mankind to maintain free institutions should expire with American liberty.

Whatever of emancipation comes by the most vigorous prosecution of the war will come without any violation of constitutional obligations, and without any revolutionary measures on our part; and we do not object to it. We are

persuaded that there will be quite as much of it as the country can provide for, and this without any necessity for the reconstruction of our institutions, which it is idle to suppose can be done in a peaceable manner. The constitutional free government founded by our fathers has been transmitted to us as a priceless inheritance, and with God's help we intend to maintain it, that it may descend to our children.

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