I am concerned to obserye, from these official documents, that fewer ships of late years have been built in Ireland, and that a decreased number are the property of Irish ship-owners. But they exhibit, by the entries inwards, a considerable increase of foreign trade, if that carried on with Britain can be comprehended under this denomination. It must, however, be remarked, that many vessels enter inwards from England, for the purpose of taking in stores, and clearing outwards to the West Indies, which, no doubt, are included in these lists; but although their tonnage and men contribute to swell official returns, they add little or nothing to the trade of Ireland. On the whole, after making every deduction, the facts here stated, from the authority of parliamentary documents, afford a most cheering prospect to the friends of Ireland; as they prove the existence of a trade, which, in a country so situated, and possessing so many local advantages, cannot fail to increase in a rapid degree, if cultivated with that spirit of enterprise, which, in every free country, has been attended with success.

It has been asserted, that Ireland derived considerable advantages from the locality of her legislature, and that its removal has done injury to her trade; but in my estimation, this circumstance has benefited mercantile men in that country, and must ultimately be an advantage to commerce. The merchants are not now distracted with political discussions, foreign to their habits and pursuits; they have more leisure for attending to those objects which belong to their immediate province; and as they have fewer inducements to become statesmen, they acquire more inclination to remain within their own sphere, and to cultivate those branches of knowledge which are most suited to their station. I have no wish to exclude mercantile men from a share in the legislation of their country; it is fit and proper that a certain number of that class, if possessed of independence, and sound judgement, should be members of the national council and assist in its deliberations; but I am persuaded that the facility with which English traders acquire seats in parliament, is a serious injury, and the evil is greater where men are "every day starting up from obscurity into wealth." A celebrated genius once observed" that the force of our early habits is so great, that though reason approves, nay, though our senses relish, a different course, every man almost returns to them.* Unfortunately, there is too much truth in this remark, however mortifying to our pride. Mercantile men, in general, being early habituated to ideas connected with their profession, suffer those ideas too generally to influence their parliamentary conduct; and cherish the delusive sentiment, that those principles and views which have actuated their conduct in their transactions in trade will be equally advantageous when applied in politics-sinking the enlarged views of the statesman to the level of the merchant, and spreading

* Boswell's Life of Johnson, vol. ii. p. 373.

around a spirit destructive of virtue and freedom;* hence arises in a great degree that system of bribery and corruption by which our popular elections are disgraced, nor can it now be surprising to find men figuring as legislators, who are destitute of every qualification requisite for so important a trust.

Many commercial men in Ireland have already purchased estates; and I consider it as fortunate for the country, that her merchants are at a distance from the great stock-market of London, where we see thousands daily laying out their money, and laying by their industry. Upon the whole, although Ireland is without the productions necessary for ship-building, there is reason to believe that the trade of this part of the united empire will progressively extend, especially as their wants in the articles of building ships may be supplied from other countries. Holland possesses neither timber nor corn, and its harbours are bad; yet the Dutch, by indefatigable exertion, were enabled not only to create a respectable navy, but to construct vessels, in which they carried on a trade, greater in proportion to their population, than that of almost any other people in Europe.

That Ireland has made a wonderful progress in improvement, will not, I think, be denied by the gloomiest politician. Let those who look only at the dark side of the picture, turn their eyes to Belfast. This town, which about a century ago, scarcely deserved notice, is now, in point of trade and consequence, the fifth in the island, and affords a proof how great a change may be effected in the course of a little time, by industry properly directed. But, without dwelling on individual instances, do not many, who inhabited formerly thatched cabins, sleep now under a slated roof? Do not hundreds, whose food was confined chiefly to potatoes, now use wheaten bread? Is not the number of those who wear shoes and stockings, much greater than at any period since Ireland became acquainted with civilization? and do not thousands sleep in blankets and sheets, who were formerly contented with a covering of straw? These facts, perceptible to every one, but to those who wilfully shut their eyes, furnish a convincing proof of a great influx of wealth. Having been frequently in Ireland during the last thirty years, my own observation has convinced me that a considerable change of habits has taken place, and that a taste for a more refined mode of life is now diffusing itself among the people.

Much, however, is still to be accomplished: this partial revolution in habits and manners must become general, to be of national advantage; it must be extended to all the people, and to every part of the country. Before a body can be sound and strong,

Aristotle says, there was a law at Thebes, which disqualified men from holding offices of magistracy till fen years after they had left off business as merchants or traders. Εν Θήβαις δε νόμος ην των δεκα ετων un áπɛoxnpévor uns åyopãs μù μotexe apxus. Politic. Francof. 1601. 8vo. lib. iii. cap. 3. p. 168.

every member and limb must be in an equally good condition. One weak part may give a degree of feebleness to the whole. The importation of wine, carriages, musical instruments, and other articles of luxury for the rich, have increased in an extraordinary manner; but these things belong to the higher classes, whose opulence. and education enable them to indulge in such gratifications. It is the community at large to whom attention ought to be chiefly directed; for with all the improvement, and notwithstanding the increase of imports and exports, still the condition of the mass of the people is miserable, and in numerous instances so wretched as to beggar description. Although they possess physical and moral qualities, which, if called into action, and properly directed, might render them valuable members of society, they are sadly neglected and suffered to remain in ignorance, and a prey to idleness; and, consequently, their faculties are of little use either to themselves or to the state. The spectacles which they often exhibit in their persons, their habitations, and domestic economy, can scarcely be credited but by those who have seen them. I am the more anxious, therefore, to impress on the minds of landed proprietors, and all others, who have it in their power to contribute towards the amelioration of these degraded people, the wretchedness of their situation; and the necessity of every exertion being made to rouse them from their indolence and sloth, by holding out prospects, and endeavouring to convert them by encouragement and kind treatment into useful and active citizens.

The warmth of my zeal on this subject has, I am afraid, led me into repetitions; but being conscious that I am pleading in an honourable cause, I shall feel the less uneasiness if repetition should expose me to critical animadversion. I write to be useful, not to acquire fame; I have endeavoured to adhere to truth; how far I have succeeded, it does not become me to determine; but if justice be done to my intentions, my ambition will be fully gratified.

In proportion as the state of the people in Ireland is improved, the trade of the country will be extended. But, the united efforts of government and individuals will be requisite to promote so desirable an end. When laws are made, let them be framed and administered in such a manner, as to protect industry. That this was not the case lately, can hardly be doubted; and I am persuaded, from what I have myself witnessed, that the great body of the people of that country are discouraged from exertion, because they entertain a fear that they shall not be suffered to enjoy, unmolested, the fruits of their honest toil. "Why does Great Britain hold the sceptre of commerce? Because in England, personal rights are sacred, and every species of property finds protection and security in the freedom of civil government, and the equal administration of law."

But among a people, whose energy has long been repressed, and whose minds have been fettered by ignorance, laws alone will not be sufficient. Laws may deter

men from the commission of great crimes; but, to effect a salutary change in the general habits and manners of a country, they must be assisted by education and example. While government, therefore, discharges its duty by providing the means of instruction, it is incumbent on land-holders, country gentlemen, and magistrates, respectable manufacturers, and all those who, by their acquirements or station, possess an influence in society, to be circumspect in their conduct; to regulate their lives by the strictest rules of honour and justice; and to exhibit themselves to the people as models worthy of imitation. Above all, they ought to avoid harshness and severity in their intercourse and transactions with these unfortunate men; remembering, that more is likely to be accomplished by admonition, advice, and gentle remonstrance, than by severity of punishment; the recollection of which rankles in the heart, and adds fuel to the most untractable passions. In plans of civilization, it is of the utmost importance, that those who attempt innovations should conciliate, by kind treatment, the affections of the persons among whom they are desirous that they should be introduced. Before new modes of life, and other improvements are suggested to them, they ought to be convinced that they are proposed by friends, rather than by masters; and, instead of tearing out prejudices by the root, the gentlest and mildest remedies should be applied to eradicate them.

But, before the desirable end which I have in view can be accomplished, it is necessary that the land-holders should lay aside their former contracted ideas, and consider their tenants as fellow men, and not as slaves, born to maintain them in affluence and splendour. Such feudal ideas, thanks to the enlightened spirit of the times, are now banished from the greater part of Europe; and I sincerely trust that they have taken their departure, never more to return. The people must not be kept in a state of oppression, nakedness, and misery: it is contrary to justice; it is contrary to the interest of the land-proprietors, and destructive of the com mercial prosperity of the country. Let the restraints imposed be removed; give instruction sufficient to make them sensible of their own importance; encourage them to hope that, by honest industry, they may rise to a better condition; excite a desire of improvement, without which its progress will be slow; let them be taught to look for comforts not at present within their reach, and to seek enjoyments to which they as yet are strangers. When they perceive that there are pleasures superior to those of mere animal gratification, they will be roused from their torpor, the finer feelings will be awakened; their thoughts be directed to more laudable objects; and their actions, instead of being guided by mechanical impulse or brutal passion, be subjected to the regular and systematic control of

reason.

I hope my readers will not be alarmed at the opinions I have here expressed, and consider that I wish to corrupt the people of Ireland by making them ac