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when it was found they used none of the means which the opportunity gave themselves for enabling them to fulfil their engagements.
As to any power of compulsion to bo exercised over the state banks, they are not subject to the direct control of general government. It is for the state authorities which created them to decide, whether they have acted according to their charters, and if not, what shall be the remedy for their irregularities. But from such of them as continued to receive deposits of public money, government had a right to expect that they would conduct their concerns according to the safe and well known principles which should properly govern such institutions. It is bound also to collect its taxes of the people on a uniform system. These rights and these duties are too unportant to be surrendered to the accommodation of any particular interest or any temporary purpose.
The resolutions before the House take no notice of the state banks. They express neither praise nor censure of them. They neither commend for their patriotism in the loans made to government, nor propose to tax them for their neglect or refusal to pay their debts. They assume no power of interfering with these institutions. They say not one word about compelling them to resume their payments; they leave that to the consideration of the banks themselves, or to those who have a right to call them to account for any misconduct in that respect. But the resolutions declare that taxes ought to be equal; that preferences ought not to be given; that the revenues of the country ought not to be diminished in amount, nor hazarded altogether by tho receipt of varying and uncertain paper; and that the present state of things, in which all these unconstitutional, illegal and dangerous ingredients arc mixed, ought not to exist.
It has been said that these resolutions may be construed into a justification of the past conduct of the treasury department. Such an objection has been anticipated. It was made, in my opinion, with much more justice to the bill rejected yesterday, and a provision was accordingly subsequently introduced into that bill to exclude such an interference. This is certainly not the time to express any justification or approbation of the conduct of that department on this subject, and I trust these resolutions do not imply it—.Nor do the resolutions propose to express any censure. A sufficient reason for declining to do cither, is, that the facts arc not sufficiently known. What loss has actually happened, what amount, it is said to be large, may be now in the treasury, in notes which will not pass, or under what circumstances these were received, is not now sufficiently ascertained.
But before these resolutions are rejected, on the ground that they may shield the treasury department from responsibility, it ought to be clearly shown that they are capable of such a construction The mere passing of any resolution cannot have that effect. A declaration of what ought to be done, does not necessarily imply any sanction of what has been done. It may sometimes imply the contrary. These resolutions cannot be made to imply any more than this, that the financial affairs of the country are in such a condition,, that the revenue cannot be instantly collected in legal currency. This they do imply, and this I suppose almost all admit to be true, An instantaneous execution of the law, without warning or notice, could in my opinion produce nothing in a portion of the country, but an entire suspension of payments.
But to whoso fault it is owing, that the affairs of the country are reduced to this condition, they do not declare. They do not prevent, or in any degree embarrass, future inquiry on that subject. They speak to the fact, that the finances are deranged. They say, also, that reformation, though it must be gradual, ought to be immediately begun, and to be carried to perfection in the shortest time practicable. They cannot by any fair construction, be made to express the approbation of congress on the past conduct of any high officer of government; and if the time shall ever come, when this House shall deem investigation necessary, it must be a case of very unpromising aspect, and of most fearful issue, which shall afford no other hope of escape than by setting up these resolutions by way of bar to an inquiry.
Nor is it any objection to this measure that inquiry has not first been had. Two duties may be supposed to have rested on the House: the one, to inquire into the origin of the evil, if it needed inquiry, and the other to find and apply the remedy. Because one of these duties has not hitherto been discharged, is no reason why the other should be longer neglected. While we are deciding which to do first, the time of the session is going by us, and neither may be done. In the meantime public mischiefs, of unknown magnitude and incalculable duration, threaten the country. I see no equivalent, no consolation, no mitigation, for these evils, in the future responsibility of departments. Let gentlemen show me any responsibility which will not be a name and a mockery. If, when we meet here again, it shall be found that all the barriers which have hitherto, in any degree, restrained the emissions of a mere paper money of the worst sort, have given way, and that the floods have broken in upon us and come over us: if it shall be found that revenues have failed—that the public credit, now a little propped and supported by a state of peace and commerce, has again tottered and fallen to the ground, and that all the operations of government are at a stand, what then will be the value of the responsibility of departments? How great then the value of inquiry, when the evil is past prevention, when officers may have gone out of place, and when, indeed, the whole administration will necessarily be dissolving, by the expiration of the term for which the chief executive magistrate was chosen?
I cannot consent to take the chance of the greatest public mis• chiefs upon a reliance on any such responsibility. The stakes ar« too unequal.
As to the opinion advanced by some, that the object, of the resolution cannot, in any way, be answered—that the revenues cannot be collected, otherwise than as they are now, in the paper of any and every banking association which chooses to issue paper, it cannot for a moment be admitted. This would be at once giving up the government; for what is government without revenue, and what is a revenue that is gathered together in the varying, fluctuating, discredited, depreciated, and still falling promissorv notes of two or three hundred distinct, and, as to this government, irresponsible banking companies. If it cannot collect its revenues in a better manner than this, it must cease to be a government. This thing therefore is to be done; at any rate it is to be attempted. That it will be accomplished liv the treasury department, without the interference of congress, I have no belief. If from that source no reformation came, when reformation was easy, it is not now to be expected. Especially after the vote of yesterday, those whose interest it is to continue the present state of things, will arm themselves with the authority of Congress. They will justify themselves by the decision of this House. They will say, and say truly, that this House, having taken up the subject and discussed it, has not thought fit so much as to declare, that it is expedient ever to relieve the country or its revenues from a paper money system. Whoever believes that the treasury department will oppose this tide, aided, as it will be, by strong feeling and great interest, has more faith in that department than has fallen to my lot. It is the duty of this House to interfere with its own authority. Having taxed the people with no light hand, it is now its duty to take care that the people do not sustain these burdens in vain. The taxes are not borne without feeling. They will not be borne without complaint, if, by mismanagement in collection, their utility to government should be lost, and they should get into the treasury at last only in discredited and useless paper.
A bank of thirty-five millions has been created for the professed purpose of correcting the evils of our circulation, and facilitating the receipts and expenditures of government. I am not so sanguine in the hope of great benefit from this measure as others are. But the treasury is also authorised to issue twenty-five millions of treasury notes, eighteen or twenty millions of which remain yet to be issued, and which are also allowed by law to be received on duties and taxes. In addition to these is the coin which is in the country, and which is sure to come forth into circulation whenever there is a demand for it. These means, if wisely and skilfully administered, are sufficient to prevent any particular pressure or great inconvenience, in returning to the legal mode of collecting the revenue. It is true, it may be easier for the people in the states in which the depreciated paper exists to pay their taxes in such paper, than in the legal currency of treasury notes, because they can get it cheaper. But this is only saying that it is easier to pay a small tax, than to pay a large one: or that money costs more than that which is less valuable than money: a proposition not to be disputed. But a medium of payment, convenient for the people and safe for the government will be furnished, and may everywhere be obtained for a reasonable price. This is all that can justly be expected of congress. Having provided this, they ought to require all parts of the country to conform to the same measure of justice. If taxes be not necessary they should not be laid. If laid, they ought to be collected without preference or partiality.
But while some gentlemen oppose the resolutions because they fix a day too near, others think they fix a day too distant. In my own judgment, it is not so material what the time is, as it is to fix a time. The great object is to settle the question, that our legal currency is to be preserved, and that we are not about to embark on the ocean of paper money. The state banks, if they consult their own interest, or the interest of the community, will dispose of their government stocks, and prepare themselves to redeem their paper and fulfil their contracts. If they should not adopt this course, there will be time for the people to be informed that the paper of such institutions will not answer the demands of government, and that duties and taxes must be paid in the manner provided by law.
I cannot say, indeed, that this measure will certainly produce the desired effect. It may fail. Its success, as is obvious, must essentially depend on the course pursued by the treasury department. But its tendency, I think, will be to produce good. It will, I hope, be a proof that congress is not regardless of its duty. It will be evidence that this great subject has not passed without notice. It will record our determination to resist the introduction of a most destructive and miserable policy into our system; and if there be any sanction or authority in the constitution and the law; if there be any regard for justice and equality: if there be any care for the national revenue, or any concern for the public interest, let gentlemen consider whether they will relinquish their seat here, before this or some other measure be adopted.
ON THE GREEK REVOLUTION, DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, JAN. 18, 1828.
Ow the 8th of December, 1823, Hr. Webster presented, in th» House of Representatives, (he following resolution:
"Rfolvrd, That provision ought to be made, by law, for defraying the expense incident to the appointment of an Agent or Conunissiooer to Greece, whenever the President thaii deem it expedient to niakrsuch appointment."
The House having, on the 19thof January, resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, and this resolution being taken into consideration, Mr. Webster spoke to the following
I Am afraid, Mr. Chairman, that, so far as my part in this discussion is concerned, those expectations which the public excitement, existing on the subject, and certain associations, easily suggested by it, have conspired to raise, may be disappointed. An occasion which calls the attention to a spot, so distinguished, so connected with interesting recollections, as Greece, may naturally create something of warmth and enthusiasm. In a grave, political discussion, however, it is necessary that that feeling should be chastised. I shall endeavour properly to repress it, although it is impossible that it should be altogether extinguished. We must, indeed, fly beyond the civilized world, we must pass the dominion of law, and the boundaries of knowledge; we must, more especially, withdraw ourselves from this place, and the scenes and objects which here surround us, if we would separate ourselves, entirely, from the influence of all those memorials of herself which ancient Greece has transmitted for the admiration, and the benefit, of mankind. This free form of government, this popular assembly, the common council, held for the common good, where have we contemplated its earliest models? This practice of free debate, and public discussion, the contest of mind with mind, and that popular eloquence, which, if it were now here, on a subject like this, would move the stones of the Capitol,—whose was the language in which all these were first exhibited? Even the Edifice in which we assemble, these proportioned columns, this ornamented architecture, all remind us that Greece has existed, and that we, like the rest of mankind, are greatly her debtors. But I have not introduced this motion in the vain hope of discharging anything of this accumulated debt of centuries. I have not acted upon the expectation, that we, who have inherited this obligation from